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]]>Soon after Vice President Kamala Harris selected Tim Walz as her running mate this week, pictures of the Minnesota governor began to spread across social media—of Walz holding a piglet, of Walz on thrill rides at the state fair, of Walz and his rescue dog.
All of it coalesces into an image of a guy with rural roots and deep ties to agriculture.
Since Harris’ announcement, climate advocates have applauded her pick, pointing to Walz’s solid climate bona fides. Farm groups across the political spectrum, including those that work to shrink agriculture’s carbon footprint, have, too.
During his six terms in Congress, Walz was a member of the House Committee on Agriculture, where he was instrumental in ensuring that soil conservation measures made it into the 2018 farm bill. At the time, the farm bill—the massive piece of legislation that guides the country’s nutrition and farm policy—failed to acknowledge agriculture’s role in contributing to climate change, and barely hinted at its potential role in slowing it.
“Many bills he’s co-sponsored or led are about creating a future for rural communities where we can keep more farmers on the land, where we can allow farmers who are stewarding the land to succeed and make money.”
Walz, who spent his early years working on his family’s farm in rural Nebraska, found a political work-around of sorts. That year he introduced the Strengthening Our Investment in Land (SOIL) Stewardship Act, which boosted existing farm conservation programs and incentivized farms to adopt certain practices that improve soil health, ultimately making soils better able to sequester carbon.
“Even as short a time ago as 2018, the word ‘climate’ does not appear in the farm bill,” said Ferd Hoefner, who was policy director at the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition at the time. “He made soil health, through the SOIL Act, the acceptable thing one could talk about when one was trying to talk about climate mitigation through agriculture.”
Hoefner noted that the last time the term climate change appeared in a farm bill was in 1990, an indication of just how polarized and partisan the issue has become in farm policy debates since then. After that, it “was verboten to even mention the word,” he added.
The provisions of the SOIL Stewardship Act were ultimately included in that year’s farm bill. Farm policy observers also point to one of Walz’s biggest farm-related accomplishments, which was introducing bills in 2014 and 2018 that help small-scale, veteran and beginning farmers access credit and funds for land, equipment and crop insurance. Provisions of these bills made it into the final versions of those years’ farm bills.
The Land Stewardship Project, based in Minnesota, has long pushed against the trend of increasing consolidation in agriculture, which has seen the rise of ever-larger farms, mostly run by large corporate entities. This week the council applauded Walz’s record of working against this ongoing shift.
“What we’ve seen through his time in Congress and his time in the governor’s office is that issues around the future of agriculture and rural communities aren’t partisan—they cut across political lines,” said Sean Carroll, policy director at Land Stewardship Action, the organization’s political arm. “Many bills he’s co-sponsored or led are about creating a future for rural communities where we can keep more farmers on the land, where we can allow farmers who are stewarding the land to succeed and make money.”
Consolidation, Carroll noted, has exacerbated a system of farming that has become a major source of greenhouse gas emissions. Large livestock facilities generate more liquid manure, which emits methane, a short-lived but potent greenhouse gas. The crops grown to feed those livestock, mostly corn and soybeans, are especially fertilizer intensive. Agricultural land use, including fertilizer use, is the largest source of nitrous oxide, a greenhouse gas even more potent than methane. (While carbon dioxide is the most abundant greenhouse gas, methane is 80 times more powerful at trapping heat in the atmosphere, and nitrous oxide is 265 times more powerful.)
“The consolidation is what’s causing the climate problems from agriculture,” Carroll said.
Walz has had to balance the economic interests of his farm-heavy state with the climate and environmental issues caused by the agriculture industry, which generates about $26 billion for the state annually. Much of that money comes from emissions-intensive forms of agriculture, including concentrated animal feeding operations that, in Minnesota, primarily raise hogs, or row crop farms that grow corn for ethanol. Minnesota is home to 19 ethanol refineries.
“Gov. Walz is the perfect choice to serve as Vice President Harris’ running mate,” said Geoff Cooper, CEO of the Renewable Fuels Association. “He brings Midwestern pragmatism and sensibilities to the ticket and would ensure rural America’s ‘flyover country’ has a strong voice in a potential Harris administration. Dating back to his days in Congress, Gov. Walz has always been a passionate and effective advocate for renewable fuels and agriculture. He has a deep understanding of the challenges and opportunities facing the ethanol industry.”
Ethanol is facing increased criticism from environmental groups that challenge the purported climate benefits of corn-based fuel. Some research says ethanol’s carbon footprint is greater than that of gasoline.
But in corn-producing states like Minnesota, questioning ethanol spells political death, and Walz has had to tread a bipartisan path. In 2020, Walz, along with three Midwestern Republican governors, appealed to the Trump administration to reject the oil industry’s attempts to exempt small refineries from being required to blend biofuels into their mixes. (One of those Republicans, Kristi Noem of South Dakota, said Walz was “no leader” and called him a “radical” on social media Tuesday.)
“On biofuels he’s indistinguishable from all the other Republicans and Democrats in Midwestern states,” Hoefner said, “which is bowing at the altar of almighty corn.”
This article originally appeared in Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission. It has been updated to correct the name of the Land Stewardship Project.
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]]>The post US Taxpayers Are Spending Billions to Keep Farms on Flooded, Unproductive Land appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The vast Mississippi River watershed contains famously fertile soil, making the cropland of the American Midwest some of the most valuable and productive in the world.
The watershed is also projected to flood more frequently and intensely as the climate warms, meaning more of that prized farmland will end up underwater, more often.
But according to a new analysis of data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture, American taxpayers are spending tens of millions of dollars every year encouraging farmers to plant on land that floods repeatedly.
“Retiring land is the best way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from farming,” Schechinger said, noting that cropland returned to grassland, shrubs, or trees is better at storing carbon.
That land is waterlogged and unproductive. But if left fallow and returned to native plants, it could help combat climate change by storing carbon that’s otherwise released by farming, the authors of the analysis say.
“In these high-risk flooded areas, near rivers and streams, why are we continuing to spend money on crop insurance, instead of retiring these frequently flooded fields?” said Anne Schechinger, the lead author of the new analysis and a director with the Environmental Working Group, an advocacy organization that’s long been critical of the crop insurance program. “You have these flood plains, and with climate change they’re flooding more than they used to. Why would you farm there, knowing they’re going to continue flooding?”
Schechinger’s analysis looked at an area called the Mississippi River Critical Conservation Area (MRCCA), a river basin that’s spread across 13 states in the South and Midwest, comprising nearly 400 million acres. The region is one of eight that the USDA identified when it created a popular conservation program in the 2014 Farm Bill that was intended to help farmers identify and manage environmental problems. Demand for the program usually outstrips funding and availability.
Schechinger found that, in the MRCCA, farmers received $1.5 billion in crop insurance payments for flooded lands between 2001 and 2020. That same amount of money could have instead been spent on retiring or restoring more than 330,000 acres of farmland through USDA conservation programs, her analysis found.
“Retiring land is the best way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from farming,” Schechinger said, noting that cropland returned to grassland, shrubs, or trees is better at storing carbon.
Schechinger’s analysis is the latest in EWG’s critical examinations of the country’s crop insurance program. EWG and other environmental groups have long argued that the program, which costs about $9 billion on average each year, discourages farmers from adopting practices that would improve soil health and absorb more carbon, while encouraging them to plant the same crops on environmentally sensitive or unproductive land.
“It’s absolutely bananas that we have farmers planting in these places. We should take subsidies away from these places or require people to do something for the money they’re getting.”
“Without crop insurance and subsidies, a lot of this frequently flooded land would not be farmed anyway,” Schechinger said. “The crop insurance program is actively encouraging farming in this area where farming should not be done.”
Taxpayers subsidize roughly 60 percent of every dollar that farmers spend on premiums. Meanwhile, the costs of the program are ballooning, as climate change stokes more flooding, drought, and extreme weather. A recent EWG analysis found that payments for drought-related losses rose 400 percent from 1995 to 2020, and rose 300 percent for flooding-related losses over the same period. Of the $143 billion in settlements paid to farmers, more than two-thirds were for drought and rain damage.
Another study, published last year, blamed the increased costs of the crop insurance program directly on the effects of climate change—the first to do so.
“It’s essentially a freebee. There are no environmental requirements for farmers to receive this money,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor at the University of Iowa and an economist who studies the environmental impacts of agriculture.
In Iowa alone, Secchi noted, farmers plant on 400,000 acres that are in a two-year floodplain, meaning they flood, on average, every two years.
“I will not fundamentally upend our commodity, conservation, and crop insurance programs to appease Washington think tanks. I will reject complicating our programs and making climate the focus of every title of the upcoming farm bill reauthorization.”
“It’s absolutely bananas that we have farmers planting in these places,” she said. “We should take subsidies away from these places or require people to do something for the money they’re getting.”
Under the crop insurance program, rates are calculated based on past yields, so in theory, repeated flooding or drought on a particular piece of land would drive up premiums or discourage farmers from planting on that land year after year, given that they bear some of the costs of the premium and the loss.
But, Secchi said, rates can be calculated on county yield averages, which means they might not reflect the full impact of repeated weather events on a particular farm.
Under the terms of the crop insurance program, farmers can “throw out” bad years in their calculations, effectively masking the impact of extreme weather events. (An analogy might be that drivers could erase repeated accidents from their records and get a premium rate based on a much better track record than they actually have.)
Congress, policymakers and even critics of the crop insurance program acknowledge that farmers work in an inherently risky business and should be protected, with taxpayer support, given the essential role they have in providing food, fiber, and even biofuels.
Lawmakers are hesitant to tamper with the program.
At a hearing this month on the USDA’s role in combating climate change, U.S. Representative Glenn “GT” Thompson (R-Pennsylvania), the ranking member of the House Agriculture Committee, reiterated that position.
“I will not fundamentally upend our commodity, conservation, and crop insurance programs to appease Washington think tanks,” he said. “I will reject complicating our programs and making climate the focus of every title of the upcoming farm bill reauthorization.”
This article originally appeared at Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
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]]>The post Biden’s Climate Plan Relies on Farmers Who Are Often Climate Skeptics appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>When the incoming Biden administration released its policy roadmap in November, it was clear that tackling climate change would be a top priority and agriculture will be a key part of a broad, cross-agency effort.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture, the administration said, “has not historically received the sustained political attention of other agencies that play a role in climate policy.” But it would become “a linchpin of the next Administration’s climate strategy.”
The incoming administration’s clear focus on climate change was remarkable. That it would enlist the country’s farms and farmers—who are largely skeptical of climate change—in the battle was even more so.
In mid-December, as he introduced his climate team, Joe Biden restated a goal he first rolled out last year on the campaign trail. “We see farmers making American agriculture first in the world to achieve net-zero emissions and gaining new sources of income in the process,” he said.
Now, questions are percolating about how, exactly, farmers will reach that target and how progressive the new administration actually will be.
In December, Biden announced that Tom Vilsack, secretary of agriculture during the Obama administration, would resume the helm of the agency—a move that disappointed some critics who would have preferred a leader without Vilsack’s deep ties to livestock and commodity agriculture.
After his first term running the agency, Vilsack took a lucrative job working to promote milk and cheese for the dairy industry, which has come under increasing fire for its greenhouse gas emissions. He is also a longtime supporter of ethanol, which many critics say entrenches an environmentally destructive system of agriculture.
Still, climate hawks mostly applaud Vilsack’s eight-year tenure at the agency, during which he set up a network of “climate hubs” where farmers could get information about adapting to climate change and launched an initiative to increase carbon stored in forests and soils. He also boosted USDA funding for climate change research.
“The key thing is Vilsack is not Perdue and has shown some leadership on the climate issue during his administration,” said Ricardo Salvador, senior scientist and director of the Food and Environment Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists, referring to the current secretary. “We’re beyond the Sonny Perdue regime that laughed at climate change.”
Vilsack’s deep experience in the department will also help him get traction, quickly, on tasks that can be done administratively, without Congressional approval.
“Biden’s been clear that climate is a priority and [Vilsack’s] going to get in there and will hit the ground running. He’s in the best position to get this done,” said Laurie Ristino, a former agency attorney. “You’re not going to radicalize the USDA, but you’ll have somebody who’s best equipped to carry out what Biden wants in terms of climate.”
Among the things Vilsack could do right away is boost conservation programs, which are popular with farmers and consistently oversubscribed.
“In the very short term, USDA has billions of dollars in the conservation title that could be more effectively targeted to support the practices that science says could reduce greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture,” said Craig Cox, a senior vice president with the Environmental Working Group and farm policy expert.
Progressive farm policy groups agree that increasing conservation funding should be the Biden administration’s first step.
“Right there, you’ve got an immediate tool to put money in the pockets of farmers for conservation activities,” said Eric Deeble, policy director of the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition. “On Day One, they could begin that process by the way they structure the President’s budget request.”
The incoming administration could also better police the crop insurance program, which research shows encourages planting on marginal land—including highly erodible land and wetlands—that should be left fallow. Under the current program, farmers get millions in insurance premium subsidies in exchange for adhering to conservation measures, but those are rarely supervised or enforced.
“When it comes to agriculture and climate, the whole conversation is about what we can pay farmers to do,” Cox said. “But there’s no conversation yet—which is desperately needed—about the structure of our crop insurance program and farm subsidies and how they’re facilitating, if not encouraging, the opposite of what we want to spend federal dollars encouraging farmers to do.”
At the very least, farmers who get discounts on premiums should be held up to some kind of scrutiny.
“Have spot testing and a more genuine effort to make sure that, in return for the investment of public resources, farmers are returning public value,” Salvador said. “That’s already in the Farm Bill. The Secretary just needs to enforce it.”
Major changes to the crop insurance program would likely need the help of Congress, but even arch supporters of the program might find themselves backing off of farm supports after this year. In 2020, the current administration gave $46 billion to farms—more that 40 percent of their income—to compensate them for the huge losses they sustained from Trump’s trade war with China.
“The amounts of money we’ve spent in the last four years is obscene—with no strings attached,” said Daniel Imhoff, who has written extensively about farm policy and calculated the $46 billion estimate. “It’s just a give-away to the biggest farmers who aren’t required to have any climate best-practices. That has to be the bottom line.”
One relatively achievable goal would be to simply restore the ranks of the USDA. Staffing was already thin under Obama, but became considerably more so under the Trump administration, which moved a major research agency out of Washington, an action that drove hundreds of employees to leave.
“Institutionally, just the amount of empty seats and vacant offices across counties—there’s a big gap there,” said Callie Eideberg, a director at the Environmental Defense Fund. “If you don’t have the people to provide the expertise, any additional funding won’t do anything. There’s a lot of internal staff rebuilding that needs to happen.”
Eideberg said the agency has not released data on current staffing levels.
The incoming administration has said a major focus of its climate and agriculture policy will be supporting a carbon trading program through which farmers could sell credits for sequestering carbon in the soil, reducing fertilizer use or providing a suite of “ecosystem services” such as creating wildlife habitat or improving water quality.
“This should be for any type of ecosystem services, whether greenhouse gas reduction or water quality or carbon,” Eideberg said. “I’m sure they’re going to need additional legislative authority to start moving the needle, but USDA has some authority to work in this space. One of their first big steps should be to put a little more muscle behind the effort.”
The Biden transition memo—dubbed Climate 21—identifies a carbon bank as one of the first things the administration should establish, although it’s short on specifics on how that would happen.
The farm industry has recently supported the idea of farmers participating in carbon markets, largely to help the ailing farm economy, despite scuttling previous attempts at creating public carbon trading systems.
“In essence,” the memo says, “USDA would conduct a reverse carbon credit auction by offering to buy tons of carbon and [greenhouse gas] reductions from producers and forest landowners…” Farms and forests would generate the credits through improved land management practices and the agency would back up the credits through a carbon bank supported by the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC).
The CCC has up to $30 billion in borrowing capacity, but Vilsack would likely need Congressional approval to tap into it—something a Republican Congress will be unlikely to do, especially for something identified as a climate change solution.
Critics also worry that establishing a carbon bank would effectively use public funds for exchange in a marketplace that’s currently private, an action that would largely benefit big producers.
“Folks are duly concerned that this does not become an opportunity for the private sector to financialize the support we need to be giving to farmers instead,” Deeble said.
Verifying what constitutes a genuine offset of emissions is also a concern.
“There’s a lot of serious scientific uncertainty on the ability to quantify the emissions reductions,” Cox said, “especially any carbon sequestration that is adequate enough to generate offset credits that are reliable enough to let other industries continue emitting instead of reducing emissions.”
A carbon market would also perpetuate a system that some experts say deserves a massive overhaul.
“What we need is large scale land-use change, where you get more perennial crops in place,” Salvador said. “In intensive commodity production—corn, soy, wheat—you could be adopting practices that sequester carbon in theory, but at the same time emit more carbon than you’re actually saving with those practices. The science is not there in terms of how you would actually measure and verify that you’re permanently storing or significantly storing carbon.”
Already, farm policy experts are starting to eyeball the next farm bill, the sprawling legislation that covers everything from agriculture subsidies to food benefits for low-income Americans. The five-year legislation expires in 2023 and offers huge opportunities to realize agriculture’s potential to cut greenhouse gas emissions and meet overall reduction targets.
“Congress writes the bills, but USDA can make their needs known,” Deeble said. “They can use the three years that we have between now and the next bill to show Congress the way to incentivize climate-mitigating practices.”
This article originally appeared in Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
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]]>The post An Unlikely Alliance of Farm and Environmental Groups Takes on Climate Change appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>But on Tuesday, the Farm Bureau announced it had joined an unlikely alliance of food, forest, farming and environment groups that intends to work with Congress and the incoming Biden administration to reduce the food system’s role in climate change and reward farmers when they lower their greenhouse gas emissions.
“To be honest, we didn’t know whether we would ultimately reach an agreement,” said Farm Bureau president Zippy Duvall in a call with reporters. “We’re proud to have broken through historical barriers to achieve an unique alliance.”
Members of the new group, called the Food and Agriculture Climate Alliance, include the Environmental Defense Fund, the Nature Conservancy, the National Council of Farm Cooperatives and the National Farmers Union, among others. The organizations have been meeting for the better part of the last year and formally unveiled their partnership Tuesday.
“We’re not going to agree with them on everything going forward,” said Elizabeth Gore, senior vice president for political affairs at the Environmental Defense Fund. “But It was remarkable how we could find some common ground.”
The Washington-based agriculture lobbying powerhouse, the Russell Group, whose clients include high-profile agriculture, pharmaceutical and tobacco corporations, is overseeing the effort.
“One of the principal reasons that previous efforts to enact climate legislation have failed was that the agriculture, forestry and food industry communities were not unified,” said Randy Russell, the group’s founder, who said the goal of the alliance was to “work across the value chain.”
On Tuesday, the new group unveiled a set of 40 policy proposals that its members hope could make their way into legislation, be carried out through executive order or changed administratively under a Biden administration. The administration has said it wants to enlist farmers and the farming industry in climate solutions, including through U.S. Department of Agriculture programs that help farmers more easily participate in carbon markets.
The group’s recommendations range across six broad categories, including soil health, food waste and agriculture research. They include a proposal to give tax credits to farmers who can prove that they’ve stashed carbon in their soils and a USDA-led “carbon bank” that would set a minimum amount that farmers would be paid for cutting greenhouse gas emissions.
The food system generates about one-quarter to one-third of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions and increasingly has drawn the focus of policy makers. Reaching the necessary emissions cuts to keep warming under 2 degrees from pre-industrial levels will require an all-out effort—one that will fail unless food manufacturers and farmers are part of the solution, research finds. Most recently, a report from University of Oxford researchers, published in the journal Science, found that the food system alone will generate enough emissions to blow past the more ambitious 1.5-degree target of the Paris Climate agreement within four decades.
Emissions from the U.S. agriculture system have continued to climb.
Some critics on Tuesday applauded the group’s efforts, but said they would fall far short of the transformational changes needed in agriculture.
“These recommendations dodge some of the most important challenges for agriculture—namely, how do we facilitate a transition away from the primary ag-related sources of emissions: the overuse of synthetic fertilizers and the continued expansion of large-scale animal feeding operations and their excess manure,” said Ben Lilliston, director of rural strategies and climate change at the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy. “Voluntary, incentive-based approaches are important, but as long as this industrial system of production is in place, it will be difficult to get deeper traction at the speed with which is needed to meet the climate crisis.”
The farm economy, stung by the Trump administration’s trade wars with China and struggling with low commodity prices, has been cratering in recent years. Creating opportunities for farmers to sequester carbon in soils and forests—with tax credits or other incentives—and to participate in voluntary carbon markets, would give the industry a much-needed boost.
This is likely what has led to the industry’s new embrace of climate-related programs.
Led by the Farm Bureau, the industry has long fought off any kind of environmental regulation. The Farm Bureau’s “policy book”—an annual document that guides the group’s political efforts—explicitly says it does not support regulating greenhouse gas emissions from American farming operations. This year, the Farm Bureau’s members voted to approve an amendment to the policy book, saying it opposed “any laws or policies that implicate agricultural activity of any kind as a cause for climate change without empirical evidence.”
The Farm Bureau has officially stated it doubts that climate change is caused by human activity. Farm Bureau officials instead refer to “volatile weather” and “weather extremes,” when explaining the onslaught of droughts, floods and freak storms that have besieged American farms in recent years.
When asked Tuesday whether any new science has emerged to shift the organization’s positions, Duvall pointed to the policy book as evidence of the group’s acceptance of climate science and said, “Our farmers have been working on climate change for decades.”
All the proposals released Tuesday are voluntary.
“We have established some common ground,” Duvall said. “As long as there’s something our farmers can move into and not be forced, we think we can do a better job.”
The Farm Bureau’s board of directors approved the recommendations. “Farmers and ranchers want partnerships, not mandates, and the recommendations laid out by FACA make it clear that we would like a seat at the table when it comes to climate solutions,” Duvall said later, in a statement.
Climate denial is culturally and politically entrenched among many of the Farm Bureau’s 6 million members, who have been a formidable political ally to President Donald Trump. Farm Bureau members have expressed concern that a Biden administration will undo environmental rule changes that the farm industry has pushed for, including killing an Obama-era rule that sought to regulate farm water pollution.
In bringing together the new alliance, members stressed that the farm industry had to be involved in order to get buy-in on the climate proposals or the effort risked foisting blame and stoking resentment in agricultural communities.
“We wanted the farm, ranch community in at the ground level and to start with their priorities in mind, and I think that changes the conversion in a way that’s helpful to find a path going forward,” said Elizabeth Gore, senior vice president for political affairs at the Environmental Defense Fund. “Farmers are seeing the impact [of climate change] on their land, and regardless of what you want to call it or how you want it described, there’s an increased recognition that something’s happening and there needs to be some sort of response.”
Members say they believe the alliance can help boost the chances of two pieces of climate legislation introduced this year, including the Growing Climate Solutions Act, designed to help farmers participate in carbon markets, and the Rural Forests Markets Act, intended to help family forest owners find climate-sequestering strategies.
“We need to significantly scale up sustainable practices on farms and in forests that benefit producers and address the climate crisis. It’s great to see agriculture, forestry and environmental leaders teaming up to advance commonsense climate solutions,” said Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.), ranking member of the Senate Agriculture Committee, in a press release Tuesday. “I look forward to reviewing their recommendations and working with them to enact many of these policies into law.”
This article originally appeared in Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
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]]>The “USDA Science Blueprint” was unveiled at a conference by Scott Hutchins, a former pesticide industry executive who heads the agency’s research divisions. The plan, intended to guide “USDA’s science priorities,” lays out a broad agenda across a range of areas, from soil health to weather impacts on agriculture to data collection, and specifically mentions climate change.
The new plan, welcomed by advocacy groups and the industry, represents a hopeful sign that the agency will realign its research priorities, especially in the wake of a series of weather disasters that have battered American farms and cost billions.
“Climate change requires urgent attention, and farmers and their communities have woken up to this fact,” said Ricardo Salvador, senior scientist and director of the food and environment program at the Union of Concerned Scientists. “It is refreshing to see the USDA under Secretary Perdue—who has previously denied the reality of climate change—acknowledging that agriculture is a contributor to climate change, can also be part of the solution, and must adapt in any case.”
But critics question how the agency will follow through. The plan, they say, pushes an agenda that fails to fundamentally change an agricultural system that degrades soil health, continues to emit greenhouse gases at a growing rate, and relies heavily on fossil fuels, chemicals, and synthetic fertilizers.
Lew Ziska, a former USDA researcher who left the agency last year after officials tried to sideline his research showing that nutrient levels in rice are dropping as carbon emissions rise, said of the new the plan: “Overall, nice brochure, pretty pix, and nice objectives, but I am extremely skeptical that their objectives will be accomplished.”
From the onset of the Trump administration, top officials have come under fire for thwarting climate change research and priorities across the agency. In the earliest days of the administration, employees were coached to avoid the term “climate change” by agency officials, who said the issue was no longer a priority. Over the course of the next three years, the agency made a series of decisions that undermined research, including ordering researchers to include a disclaimer on research published outside the agency saying that it was “preliminary.”
Perhaps most damaging, agency employees say, was the decision by Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue to move two research divisions, the Economic Research Service (ERS) and the National Institute of Food and Agriculture (NIFA), out of the Washington area—an effort seen by many as a deliberate tactic to thin the ranks of agency scientists. If it was such a tactic, it worked: In the months leading up to the move, nearly two-thirds of the divisions’ researchers retired or left. Meanwhile, the administration has cut funding for the agency’s research divisions.
“The elephant in the blueprint is of course that USDA Secretary Perdue has been fairly systematically working to weaken the Department’s scientific capacity, moving two of the key agencies involved in this report out of Washington, DC, knowing that it would lose many employees in the process,” said Ben Lilliston, director of rural policies and climate change at the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, a progressive advocacy group.
Lilliston added, “Perdue has also been an outspoken skeptic of climate risk, so while it’s good to see climate adaptation acknowledged as a priority it is undercut by the messaging coming from the Department’s leadership and President Trump.”
Ziska noted that the agency’s Agricultural Research Service has lost 20 percent of its budget since the early 2000’s.
“The forced relocation of ERS and NIFA will, without question, make implementation of these goals difficult,” Ziska wrote in an email, referring to the new plan.
The plan outlines five themes, including climate adaptation and “sustainable intensification”—a term that describes increasing productivity within the current agricultural system. It then describes briefly how specific goals—for example, understanding how conservation practices on farms can help boost resilience to climate change—will be addressed and measured. The agency will “solicit stakeholder input” in reaching the plan’s goals from “commodity groups, industry, interagency Federal working groups, scientific societies, and university partners,” the plan says.
Progressive farm groups that have advocated for more support for climate-focused practices, either in research or policy, were not included in meetings reportedly held by the USDA this week in which agency officials, commodity groups and food manufacturers discussed “sustainability.”
The agency did not immediately respond to requests for information on the meetings.
The release of the plan came amid a flurry of climate-focused activity by government leaders, agriculture industry groups and even former Vice President Al Gore, who has become a vocal booster of agriculture’s role in solving the climate crisis.
Gore addressed a meeting held by the Foundation for Food and Agriculture Research (FFAR) in Washington, where he was the keynote speaker. (The USDA’s plan was announced at the same event.)
“If we can find out how to reliably measure soil carbon, the reliable sequestration of carbon in soils, then it is not impossible to imagine a day when farmers receive payments for the carbon they have sequestered in their soil,” Gore said. Soils, including those in the rich farmlands of the Midwest, act as carbon sinks by trapping carbon dioxide, a capacity researchers say will be critical for meeting global emissions reductions targets.
Gore has become an advocate of agriculture’s role in carbon markets, in which farmers would sell credits for sequestering carbon in soils. That concept, which gained traction a decade ago, was beaten back at the time by the fossil fuel industry and one of its strongest allies, the American Farm Bureau Federation.
The idea of farmers participating in carbon markets is increasingly coming under scrutiny by some progressive farm groups who say that they could prevent true, meaningful greenhouse gas reductions. But the industry has started to embrace the idea, especially if it can boost farm incomes in a wobbly farm economy. The Farm Bureau, at its recent annual meeting, adopted a resolution supporting research into soil health—a key requirement for maintaining soil’s ability to trap carbon.
Also at the conference, FFAR and the U.S. Farmers and Ranchers Alliance, an agricultural industry public relations group that represent the producers of the county’s most lucrative farm products, like corn and beef, unveiled a new climate-focused collaboration among industry players. The partnership will “foster collaboration between farmers, ranchers, scientists and others from across the food and agriculture sectors to address greenhouse gas emissions in a coordinated way, as a united front,” said the FFAR’s executive director, Sally Rockey, in a press release.
The industry has long pushed against any kind of measurement of greenhouse gases from agriculture or environmental regulation, frequently saying farms are too complicated and varied.
“No two farms are alike which means the path to climate-smart farming may look a little, or a lot, different from farm to farm,” said Erin Fitzgerald, USFRA’s chief executive officer, in a press release this week.
This article was originally published by InsideClimate News, and is reprinted with permission.
Top photo: Cattle in an Oklahoma feedlot. (USDA photo by Alice Welch)
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]]>In California, a state legislator introduced a bill called the California Climate-Friendly Food Program, with the goal of promoting plant-based foods in schools and reducing greenhouse gas emissions linked to livestock.
Within a few months, references to climate change were stripped out of the text and title. The bill instead became the California School Plant-Based Food and Beverage Program.
On the other coast, in Maryland, the state’s Green Purchasing Committee launched the Carbon-Intensive Foods Subcommittee to study which foods have the largest carbon footprints and to steer the state away from buying those foods. The administration of Gov. Larry Hogan disbanded the committee months later.
In both cases, the states’ farm and beef lobbies got their way.
Over the past year, as landmark reports advised consumers to eat less meat and dairy because of their climate impacts—and as plant-based alternatives gained traction—the American beef and dairy industries have been pushed further into defensive mode.
“It is astounding, the level of fear and pushback from the meat industry on our efforts to address the very real, substantial climate impacts of meat production,” said Kari Hamerschlag, deputy director of the food and agriculture program at Friends of the Earth, which helped develop the California legislation and is behind other legislation intended to expand state-level spending on plant-based foods.
“They don’t want to cede an inch on climate change,” Hamerschlag added.
Early this year, the EAT-Lancet Commission, in a major scientific report, urged a “comprehensive shift” in the world’s diet. In July, the World Resources Institute, the United Nations and other groups released a massive report finding that the world needs to produce 50 percent more food without expanding the food system’s carbon footprint. And in August, the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released a report calling for a major overhaul in the global food system.
All of them recommend lowering consumption of meat, dairy and carbon-intensive foods, especially in developed countries.
California Assemblymember Adrin Nazarian introduced a bill in February that would allocate $3 million to give schools a rebate for increasing the number of plant-based meals they serve. The original bill contained language that said beef and dairy production released more greenhouse gases and had the word “climate” in the title.
But the state’s powerful beef and dairy industries opposed the bill, largely because of the explicit connections it made between livestock production and climate change. Lawmakers removed the language, the lobby withdrew its opposition—and the bill moved forward. It now awaits further movement in a state committee.
“We were opposed early in the process but removed our opposition in the Assembly Education Committee after substantial amendments were taken to the bill removing the involvement of the Air Resources Board [California’s climate regulator] in the school lunch program, among a handful of other issues with the bill,” said Justin Oldfied, vice president for government affairs with the California Cattlemen’s Association, in an email to InsideClimate News
“The changes they wanted weren’t about the substance,” said Kyle Ash, director of government affairs with the Physicians Committee for Responsible Medicine, which advocates for vegetarian diets. “It’s about whether they look bad or not because the bill adds legitimacy to the fact that animal-based diets are higher in carbon emissions.”
In Maryland, the state’s Green Purchasing Committee, an interagency government group charged with “promoting environmentally preferable purchasing” by state agencies, launched the Carbon-Intensive Foods Subcommittee to study which foods released higher amounts of greenhouse gases.
After the group produced a list of carbon-intensive foods, which included beef and dairy, the executive vice president of the Maryland Cattlemen’s Beef Association called it a “hit list of foods,” according to a trade media publication. The association and the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association sent a joint letter to Gov. Hogan, a Republican, asking him to disband the committee because, they said, it was operating with a political agenda.
The following month, in August, state officials said they were disbanding the committee, writing that “it has become very clear that these are complicated issues that require solutions beyond the scope of the subcommittee.”
“After much review, we have jointly determined that the goals of this subcommittee are similar to those of other state programs, and have decided that our resources would be better focused on bolstering those efforts,” they added.
Emissions from livestock account for about 14.5 percent of total greenhouse gas emissions, globally, and roughly two thirds of those emissions come from cattle—mostly from methane burped by cows, growing feed and clearing land for grazing and feed crops.
In October of last year, the journal Nature published a study, saying that, in order to feed the expected 9.7 billion people on the planet in 2050—and meet the Paris climate accord goals—the world will need to shift toward plant-based diets, in addition to reducing food waste and adopting new farming technologies.
“We find that no single measure is enough to keep these effects within all planetary boundaries simultaneously, and that a synergistic combination of measures will be needed to sufficiently mitigate the projected increase in environmental pressures,” the authors wrote.
But the message to the world’s eaters was simple: Eat less meat and dairy.
At the Five Rivers cattle feeding operation in Kersey Colo., nearly 100,000 cattle are fed to market weight. The U.S. is the world’s largest producer of beef, and Five Rivers is the world’s largest cattle feeding company, with nearly 1 million cattle across six states. (Photo credit: Georgina Gustin, InsideClimate News)
The following month, the EAT-Lancet Commission published its study coming to the same conclusion. That was followed by the sweeping report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, saying that a shift toward less carbon-intensive food presented “major opportunities for reducing GHG emissions.”
“Examples of healthy and sustainable diets are high in coarse grains, pulses, fruits and vegetables, and nuts and seeds; low in energy-intensive animal-sourced and discretionary foods (such as sugary beverages),” the report said.
“Staying within a 2-degree trajectory—it won’t happen if you don’t bring down animal sources of food globally, and in most regions and places where beef is produced, and that includes the U.S.,” said Marco Springmann of Oxford University, the lead author of the Nature study and and one of the authors of the EAT-Lancet Commission report.
The U.S. is the world’s largest producer of beef. In 1960 it produced 16 billion pounds of beef and in 2018, 27 billion pounds. This year, the U.S. could produce more than 27.4 billion pounds—a record. The average American consumes nearly three times the global average, at 57 pounds per capita.
The American beef industry says that the headlines over the past year that blare recommendations to cut beef consumption oversimplify the issue.
In a recent study published in Agricultural Systems, researchers did a full life-cycle analysis—the gold standard for determining a product’s greenhouse gas emissions—and found that beef cattle produce about 3.7 percent of the United State’s total greenhouse gas emissions, nearly half of total agricultural emissions, which are about 9 percent. That analysis includes emissions from birth to slaughter. Most of that comes from methane from cow belches.
“Methane is our biggest challenge,” said Sara Place, a co-writer of the study and senior director of sustainability for the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, which funded the research. “This industry is interested in solutions.”
Place says there should be more emphasis on the industry’s potential to cut emissions, rather than just recommending people cut back on their beef consumption for climate-related reasons. “There’s this argument that we can’t improve the supply side—that we have to cut demand,” Place said. “That’s our challenge: How can we as scientists cut emissions and bend that curve back down.”
The American beef industry points to Place’s research, which was done with scientists from the U.S. Department of Agriculture, as evidence of how the U.S. cattle industry has become more efficient, producing more meat with fewer cattle. In other countries, emissions from cattle are higher, according to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization.
Some researchers also note that the number of cattle in the U.S. has fallen from 97.8 million in 1960 to 88.5 in 2014, while the number of pounds produced has risen over the same time—a figure that shows how relatively efficient the industry has become.
“Maybe—just maybe—American farmers and ranchers deserve some credit for efficiencies that for decades have decreased greenhouse gases,” wrote Frank Mitloehner, a professor of animal science at the University of California at Davis, a staunch industry defender, in a recent blog post.
Still, critics say, 3.7 percent of emissions is a relatively high number because overall U.S. emissions are so much higher than most countries. And, they note, that total methane emissions from U.S. livestock have risen by nearly 20 percent from 1990 to 2016.
“People say: Oh, it’s not a big number. But if you divide it by total greenhouse gases in the U.S., which you can argue are very high and should be much lower, it is,” Springmann said. “The U.S. system produces the fourth-largest amount of greenhouse gases in the world. It’s a high number if you put it in a global context.”
Beef’s carbon footprint is well established. For every gram of beef produced, 221 grams of carbon dioxide is emitted, compared to 36 for pork. And for every calorie from beef, 22 grams of carbon dioxide is emitted, compared to 3.5 from pork.
Global meat production has skyrocketed—by more than 370 percent — since 1960, straining resources and consuming land. With demand for beef and dairy expected to soar, feeding the world—and staying within a safe carbon budget—will be impossible without major shifts in consumption patterns.
Tim Searchinger, author of another report this year advocating for lower animal protein consumption, agrees that the emissions intensity of U.S. beef is lower than in other countries. But, he says, the demand for livestock-based foods from consumers in the U.S. and other high-income countries has major climate impacts nonetheless. (Among developed countries, the U.S. consumes more beef, per capita, than any other country, after Argentina.)
Searchinger has pointed out that most life cycle assessments (LCA) of beef production don’t account for land-use change and deforestation—to make way for grazing and growing grains—in other places.
“If your LCA doesn’t take into account land use, then your LCA is leaving something pretty important out,” he said. “The amount of carbon we lose from vegetation and soils to produce a kilo of beef is much higher than the emissions from even methane and nitrous oxide from producing beef.”
He says that any land devoted to food could store more carbon if left as forest or restored to its native vegetation. So every acre of land is critical for carbon storage, given growing global food demands.
“We need to have land available to reforest. We need to avoid clearing land. Every time we consume less beef, that provides—at the very least—the opportunity to use less land,” he said. “Each of us has the power to avoid that land-clearing. So if I don’t eat beef, the next guy can eat more without clearing land.”
These latest attempts by the industry to beat back initiatives linking livestock to climate impacts are only the most recent. During the development of the influential 2015 U.S. Dietary Guidelines for Americans, which are reviewed and revamped every five years, the meat industry, along with its allies in Congress and the U.S. Department of Agriculture, successfully tamped down nutritionists’ recommendations to eat less red meat for environmental reasons.
Much of the pressure on the industry is also coming from consumers as dietary choices are starting to shift.
The number of vegans and vegetarians, especially among millenials, is small but rising, and many American consumers say they’re choosing to eat less meat.
An Impossible burger with fries at Gott’s Roadside in Napa, California. (Photo CC-licensed by Sarah Stierch)
Plant-based alternatives—from companies like Impossible Foods and Beyond Meat—are jockeying for shelf space in the meat sections of grocery stores and landing on the menu at fast food chains. Industry analysts have said the market for these plant-based burger alternatives is enormous, potentially reaching $100 billion in 15 years.
The industry has started fighting off attempts to market plant-based alternatives as “steak” and “burger.”
This year, at least two dozen states considered bills to limit those terms to products that come from animals.
“The issue in the legislative debates is whether or not consumers are being deceived,” said Dan Colegrove, a lobbyist for the Plant Based Foods Association, which fought the bills. “We contend, no, that consumers know exactly what they’re doing.”
Colegrove said he was unaware that any particular lobby was behind these bills, or that any “model” legislation was developed by an interest group.
“You don’t see this kind of growth in retail sectors. Clearly something’s going on,” Colegrove said, noting that the lobbying push was being driven by the significant interest in plant-based alternatives. “I think this issue is not going to go away next year.”
Top photo: Japanese Beef cattle CC-licensed by japanexterna.
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]]>A handful of new reports emphasize that climate change and the world’s worsening health are urgent, intertwined crises. One of them calls for an international treaty to address the problem.
A scientific study published Monday also shows how “food production shocks” linked to climate change have been rising globally, putting food security at risk. The researchers identified nearly 230 food production shocks, in 134 countries, from 1961 to 2013, and said the frequency of crop production shocks driven by extreme weather had been increasing steadily. Food shocks threaten to destabilize the global food supply and drive up global hunger rates, which have started to tick up in recent years.
“Land-based crop and livestock production are particularly vulnerable to extreme weather events such as drought, which are expected to become more frequent and intense with climate change,” said Richard Cottrell of the University of Tasmania, the report’s lead author.
The drumbeat for change in food and nutrition gained volume this month with the release of a detailed plan by an international commission organized by the prestigious medical journal The Lancet. The plan urges a major overhaul in food production and diets, or what one of the report’s authors called “nothing less than a new global agricultural revolution.”
A second Lancet-convened commission, this one focused on obesity, issued a report on Sunday arguing for an international treaty to address global diets and climate change, similar to a landmark 2005 global treaty that aimed to cut tobacco use.
Then on Tuesday, 80 investor groups representing more than $6.5 trillion in assets called on six of the largest fast food companies, including McDonald’s and the corporate owners of KFC and Pizza Hut, to set targets for cutting greenhouse gas emissions from their meat and dairy supply chains.
Food production, globally, is responsible for about a third of greenhouse gas emissions, largely from meat and dairy production. Nearly 85 million Americans—or nearly a third of the population—eat at a fast food restaurants on any given day. But, as the Lancet report on obesity notes, demand for convenience and protein are rising in the developing world, too.
“This is the largest-emitting sector that doesn’t have a low-carbon plan,” said Brooke Barton, a senior director with Ceres, the sustainability group that co-organized the investor campaign. “While some companies in some high-emitting industries, like the electric power industry, are starting to set goals and transform their business models in line with the Paris climate agreement, the meat and dairy industry is digging in its hooves.”
The Lancet Commision on Obesity, made up of more than 40 experts from 14 countries, says that, while its original mandate was to address obesity, it reframed its mission to address the pandemics of obesity, malnutrition and climate change—or what it called “the triple-burden challenges of The Global Syndemic.”
“We decided we have to look at this with a systems approach. It’s not people’s fault,” said Vivica Kraak, a professor of food and nutrition policy at Virginia Tech who contributed to the report. “The environments they live in foster overconsumption and unsustainable choices.”
The authors say that malnutrition, obesity and other diet-related conditions are the leading cause of poor health globally and that climate change will amplify them.
“It’s about poor diet quality whether you’re in a high-income country or a low-income country. And with climate change, you have greenhouse gas emissions with animal agriculture, but we also have a lot of food waste,” Kraak said. “We really need to radically change the food system and the way we eat. It’s all connected.”
The report says that obesity is increasing in every region of the world largely because “the systemic and institutional drivers of obesity remain largely unabated” and are being driven by “powerful commercial interests.”
As with climate change, the commission says, “the enormous health and economic burdens caused by obesity are not seen as urgent enough to generate the public demand or political will to implement the recommendations of expert bodies for effective action.” But, it says, the dangers are as critical.
In the Lancet’s other recent report on climate change and diet, the EAT-Lancet Commission called for a “comprehensive shift” in global diets, including cutting meat consumption roughly in half, and for governments to factor sustainability into their dietary guidance.
This week’s report underscores the urgency of that guidance and points out how industry pressure has undermined the process.
“For example, when the USA and Australia tried to include sustainability in their national dietary guidelines, vested interests from food industries leaned heavily on their governments to eliminate sustainability from the terms of reference,” the report says.
“Reducing the consumption of red meat is a cornerstone for healthy, sustainable diets,” the report adds, “but achieving this will be formidable given the current supply and demand dynamics. Western-style fast foods might also be part of aspirational diets for some populations in low-income countries.”
This article originally appeared in Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
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]]>The post Natural Climate Solutions, Including Farm Conservation, Can Reduce Global Warming appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>A team of 38 researchers spent more than two years looking at “natural climate solutions”—a range of strategies that includes planting trees in cities, preventing the conversion of natural grassland to farmland, and shifting to fertilizers that produce fewer greenhouse gas emissions.
In a study just published in Science Advances, researchers report that these solutions, if deployed across agricultural lands, forests, grasslands, and wetlands, could mitigate 21 percent of the country’s net annual greenhouse gas emissions, getting the U.S. closer to meetings its goals under the Paris climate agreement.
“It’s the same as if every car and truck in the country stopped polluting the climate,” said Joseph Fargione, the study’s lead author and the science director for The Nature Conservancy North America region. “There’s much bigger potential than most people realize.”
Importantly, the study finds that these cuts could happen at relatively low costs. In order to meet the goals of the Paris agreement, carbon would have to be priced at $100 or more per megaton, the report said. But the report finds that many of these solutions cost a fraction of that—or nothing at all—and have additional benefits and incentives, including cleaner water, better air, and more productive soil.
“There’s a range of reasons that people might choose to invest in these natural climate solutions beyond carbon,” Fargione said. He pointed to the wildfires raging in California, and noted that certain forest-thinning practices not only store carbon better but also reduce wildfire risk.
The authors say their findings prove that developed countries—especially the U.S., one of the largest greenhouse gas emitters—should adopt land-based strategies, which are as crucial for stabilizing the climate as reducing greenhouse gas emissions from power generation or transportation.
Their report comes weeks after another authoritative report, from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), reached similar conclusions. The IPCC found that countries must find a way to reach net negative emissions to keep global warming in check, and it homed in on agriculture and land-sector strategies as cost-effective, near-term solutions for storing massive amounts of carbon.
Researchers have looked previously at the potential for agricultural, forested, and other lands to store carbon, but this study is the first to assess the potential of all these landscapes in the U.S., and with updated, comprehensive data, Fargione said.
“We defined 21 distinct natural climate solutions,” Fargione explained. “We looked at all the opportunities or pathways that were available and demonstrated in the scientific literature.”
The researchers found that reforestation had the single largest maximum potential to store carbon or take it up from the atmosphere—nearly 307 million metric tons. Most of the potential lies in forests in the Northeast and south-central regions of the country. “Natural forest management” strategies, which include extending harvest cycles or reduced-impact logging, could mitigate an additional 267 million metric tons. (The researchers calculated the overall net emissions of the U.S. as 5.8 billion metric tons, factoring in existing carbon sinks.)
The researchers looked at a number of solutions in agriculture, including avoiding the conversion of grassland to cropland, using cover crops planted in the off-season that add carbon to the soil, and using fertilizer more judiciously. The solutions also included biochar—a form of charcoal made from a number of sources, including agricultural residue, that can be used to build healthier soil—and the practice of “alley cropping,” or planting trees between crops.
Altogether these agricultural practices have the potential to mitigate nearly 440 million metric tons of carbon dioxide a year, the researchers found.
The authors, who come from 22 different groups and institutions, were conservative in their estimates. They also didn’t factor in lands considered necessary to produce food and fiber.
But, even within these limitations, the researchers found that more than 12 million acres of cropland could be restored to grasslands, forests, and wetlands, without impacting food production. That’s an area roughly the size of the acreage taken out of the Conservation Reserve Program, run by U.S. Department of Agriculture, which pays farmers to take environmentally sensitive, “marginal” lands out of production. Since its peak enrollment in 2007, farmers have disenrolled millions of acres, choosing instead to plant on the land because of high crop prices.
This article originally appeared in Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
Top photo: Herders cultivating fodder or animal feed that is more resilient to extreme weather changes, using plants that adapt to droughts. The Strengthening Carbon Financing for Regional Grassland Management is promoting climate smart agricultural activities. (Photo credit: Asian Development Bank)
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]]>In a paper published recently in the scientific journal Nature Plants, an international team of researchers lays out the prospects for “enhanced rock weathering”—a process that uses pulverized silicate rocks, like basalt, to speed the ability of minerals to store carbon in soil.
The team, led by the University of Sheffield in the U.K. and including U.S. climate scientist James Hansen, says the technique of enhanced weathering on swaths of the world’s cropland could potentially offset a meaningful chunk of global carbon emissions.
Though their estimates are preliminary, the authors say if farmers added enough pulverized rock per acre on a majority of the world’s cropland, they could remove up to 4 billion metric tons of CO2 from the atmosphere, per year, by 2100. That’s about a tenth of today’s global greenhouse gas emissions. (Greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture and land use are currently about 8 billion metric tons.)
This could happen fairly quickly. “Conceivably, roll-out could take place within a decade or two,” said David Beerling, director of the Leverhulme Centre for Climate Change Mitigation at the University of Sheffield and the lead author of the study.
In nature, this takes millions of years. Rain, which is slightly acidic, chemically breaks down rock in a process that converts carbon dioxide to bicarbonate, which eventually washes into the ocean where it’s stored for hundreds of thousands of years. This natural process absorbs about 3 percent of global emissions from fossil fuels.
But pulverizing the rocks turbocharges the process, allowing the minerals to be released faster and to store carbon within several years, Beerling explained.
When farmers apply the powdered rock onto croplands, they’ll see added benefits, the paper says: increased plant nutrients leading to higher yields and a potential drop in fertilizer and pesticide use.
The authors note that the best candidate for enhanced weathering is the land already being farmed—about 11 percent of the globe’s land area—where farmers already apply limestone to improve soil and counteract acidification. That means the infrastructure for applying pulverized rocks is effectively in place.
But the process, which sounds tantalizingly easy, hasn’t been studied widely, prompting the authors to call for more work on the subject.
“While enhanced weathering could make an enormous contribution to climate change mitigation, it remains one of the most poorly understood methods of removing CO2 from the atmosphere,” said Phil Renforth, a professor of engineering geology at Cardiff University, who was not involved in the paper. “As the authors suggest, we need to do a lot more work to establish if these large carbon drawdowns can be achieved, and to assess the positive and negative impacts of this approach.”
Among some of the possible negatives: The energy used to pulverize the rocks could account for as much as 30 percent of the CO2 that’s stored. Meanwhile, it’s not clear how much rock would be required and what the environmental impacts on soils and waterways would be.
Another question mark is the cost. Current estimates range from $52 to $480 per metric ton of stored CO2, although boosted crop yields and lower fertilizer use could offset some of the price tag. Another “negative emissions” strategy, bioenergy with carbon capture and storage, or BECCS, costs between $39 and $100 per metric ton.
But, the authors note, enhanced rock weathering could be one of the tools in the climate-control toolkit.
“Strategies for taking CO2 out of the atmosphere are now on the research agenda, and we need realistic assessment of these strategies, what they might be able to deliver and what the challenges are,” Hansen said in a press release.
This article originally appeared in Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
Top photo credit: SounderBruce
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]]>But the world’s consumers don’t always eat what their government nutritionists tell them. So it might take a little more prodding—and that prodding could be on the way.
This week, the two-year-old investment network Farm Animal Investment Risk and Return (FAIRR) released a report saying that countries could begin taxing meat—the way they tax sugar, alcohol, or tobacco—to drive down consumption and to hit their carbon emissions targets under the 2015 Paris climate agreement.
A few countries, including Germany, Denmark, and Sweden, have considered behavioral, or “sin taxes,” on meat, but the taxes haven’t yet gained support. This type of tax aims to cut meat consumption for health reasons—reducing the healthcare costs associated with a high-fat, animal-based diet—as well as for environmental reasons.
“Agriculture emissions alone will be so high by 2050, that that alone will push temperatures above 2 degrees,” said FAIRR Director Maria Lettini, referring to the target set in Paris of limiting warming to at most 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. “We think, in the absence of other interventions, this is one that should be in the basket of tools.”
FAIRR has a clear objective of steering its investor network, which it describes as managing $4 trillion in assets, away from factory farming over animal welfare concerns. Its report acknowledges that the concept of a meat tax is “at an embryonic stage,” but says “it is on a clear path that ends with taxation in some form.”
“We do see some similarities with what happened with sugar and tobacco,” Lettini said. “Because investors are always worried about what’s coming down the pipeline in terms of regulation.” At least 16 countries have recently imposed taxes on sugar, for example, the report says.
Lettini conceded, “This is not going to be without contention”—a view echoed by agricultural economists in the U.S.
“It would face a lot of opposition,” explained Pat Westhoff, director of the Food and Agricultural Policy Research Institute at the University of Missouri. “A tax on meat would reduce meat consumption. Lower prices for livestock and poultry would reduce meat production. Less meat production would reduce feed demand, and thus the prices for corn, soybeans and other crops. Farm income would fall.”
Currently, to the extent that countries influence how their citizens eat, they issue voluntary nutrition standards, and increasingly those standards—particularly in developed countries—are calling for a reduction in red meat consumption to varying degrees.
A report issued earlier this month by researchers in the Netherlands took a first-ever, country-by-country and overall look at the greenhouse gas reductions—or potential increases—if consumers actually followed those guidelines.
The research, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, looked at the average diets of people in 37 countries, representing 64 percent of the world’s population, and compared those diets to the government-recommended diets. The researchers put that information into a massive database that allowed them to track the environmental impacts of producing food through the supply chain, from growing to transporting it.
The lead researcher of the study, Paul Behrens of the University of Leiden, and his colleagues found that adhering to government-recommended diets could lead to a drop in emission of up to nearly 25 percent in high-income countries, including in the U.S. (In lower-income countries, if consumers hewed to the dietary recommendations, emissions could go up because some developing countries’ recommendations urge more protein intake because of higher levels of malnutrition.)
Still, Behrens said, only four countries in his report mention environmental impacts in their nutritional recommendations, with Sweden’s the most progressive.
The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Dietary Guidelines, for example, make no mention of the environmental impacts of diet, despite discussions to factor in “sustainability” as the last version of the guidelines was being developed. This, critics said, was largely because of pressure from the meat industry.
“It’s fairly well-known now, by the public and policymakers, that beef has huge environmental impacts,” Behrens said. “There may be a reason why some countries that have this in their guidelines don’t have those powerful groups.”
The discussion comes as global appetite for animal-based food is soaring along with growing incomes in some countries, notably China. From 1993 to 2013, demand for animal products globally rose 62 percent, though population only rose 29 percent, Behrens’ report says.
As consumption goes up, animal agriculture—and agriculture more broadly—is becoming a bigger part of the conversation around climate targets. Food production accounts for as much as 30 percent of all greenhouse gas emissions, including land use, deforestation, transportation, and food waste; and livestock for about 14.5 percent.
At the international climate talks last month in Germany, agriculture-focused sessions were more prominent than in previous rounds.
“People are taking climate very seriously in agriculture,” said Bruce Campbell, director of the research program on climate change, agriculture and food security for the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), which tracks how many countries have focused on agriculture in their plans to meet the Paris targets.
That, FAIRR believes, means meat taxes could help some countries reach their emissions targets.
This article originally appeared on Inside Climate News, and is reprinted with permission.
Photo CC-licensed by Stephen Ausmus for the USDA.
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