The post Op-ed: The Food System Cannot Become Another Fossil-Fuel Industry Escape Hatch appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>As I started thinking about this piece in January, wildfires had begun ravaging Los Angeles. By the time I had written it, entire neighborhoods had been wiped off the map, from fires that were among the most destructive in California’s history.
While the current administration may blame “woke” DEI environmentalists for the blazes, science shows that the climate crisis contributed to the severity of the damage. Meanwhile, the administration is decimating the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), the country’s premier climate research institution.
“Fossil fuel producers continue to shapeshift to shirk responsibility and find new avenues for oil and gas. They’ve got their eyes on one: the food system.”
Most of us didn’t need another reminder that the climate crisis is not a future to fear, but a reality on our doorstep. We are heartbroken for those who have lost everything, and angry and frustrated that our political leaders have failed to confront the driving force behind the crisis: the fossil fuel industry.
The political headwinds we’re facing make it all the more challenging, enabling fossil fuel producers to continue to shapeshift to shirk responsibility and find new avenues for oil and gas. They’ve got their eyes on one: the food system.
The food system is responsible for an estimated one-third of all greenhouse gas emissions driving this crisis. One key reason: the industrial food chain and its ultra-processed foods are deeply dependent on fossil fuels.
Consider, if you will, a simple bag of potato chips with a not-so-simple origin story. At nearly every step of this ultra-processed food’s path from the field to the grocery store, fossil fuels are key. Growing vast monocultures of potatoes requires synthetic fertilizers whose production requires massive amounts of energy. It also necessitates petroleum-based pesticides, from fungicides to herbicides, to ward off weeds and stop sprouting. Irrigation and farm equipment also depend on fossil fuels.
Most processing facilities still rely on non-renewable energy to power the machinery for sorting, washing, trimming, slicing, blanching, frying, and seasoning. Fossil fuels provide the raw materials for the plastics in packaging, and, typically, the power to transport those chips to distribution centers and supermarkets, corner stores, vending machines—wherever you find them.
And that’s just potato chips. Fossil fuels are used throughout our food system—across much of the foods produced by the industrial food chain. By one estimate commissioned by my organization, Global Alliance for the Future of Food, food systems account for at least 15 percent of annual global fossil fuel consumption. (Though, we stress, this is a rough estimate, since assessing usage around the world is exceedingly challenging; we need more and better data.)
The analysis found that 42 percent of that total fossil fuel consumption comes from processing and packaging stages, largely driven by the global rise of ultra-processed food. Another 38 percent comes from retail consumption and waste; and the rest is from industrial inputs (like pesticides and fertilizer) and agriculture production. To paraphrase grocery industry expert Errol Schweizer in the podcast Fuel to Fork, which my organization helps produce, fossil fuels are the lifeblood of the food system.
Fossil fuels are on track to be an even bigger presence in our food system. The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), a nonprofit environmental organization, warns that as sectors like transport are decarbonizing, the fossil fuel industry has its sights on food, particularly through petrochemicals. CIEL notes that an estimated 74 percent of all petrochemicals are already used for agricultural fertilizer and plastic.
The International Energy Agency projects that by 2050 half of all oil and gas will be used for petrochemicals. Based on current levels, 40 percent of that will be going into our food system in the form of plastics and fertilizers.
In another report, CIEL notes how chemical companies are introducing microplastic-coated pesticides and fertilizers as a ‘climate solution’. Industry boosters state that microplastic-coated pesticides and fertilizers reduce nitrous oxide emissions by slowing the release of pesticides and fertilizers, so the farmer has to apply less frequently and use less.
But, as CIEL adds in the report, the industry has acknowledged that assessing use reduction is challenging. CIEL also points out that using these plastic-coated agrochemicals “directly introduces microplastic into the environment and potentially into the food supply. It also compounds the health and environmental hazards posed by agrochemicals themselves.”
Also, as CIEL and others call out, these products not only don’t significantly reduce usage, they cause other problems. Along with increasing the presence of plastics in food production and threatening public health, microplastics used this way dissolve in the soil, impacting soil health, reducing how much water soils can retain, and destroying healthy microorganisms essential for nutrient cycling.
But raising the alarm about the growing connections between food systems and fossil fuels is a challenge, because these emissions are often made invisible. Back to that bag of potato chips: The petrochemicals used in fertilizer’s manufacture are responsible for some 34 percent of energy used in potato crop production, yet they aren’t counted in the total emissions for the food sector according to the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), or in national emission inventories governments share with the United Nations.
“Despite being crucial elements of our food’s journey from field to fork, and carbon-intensive ones at that, neither fertilizer, pesticide, or plastic production are made visible as food-related emissions.”
Instead, they are accounted for in different sectors altogether: manufacturing and industry. The same is true for plastic used in food packaging. Despite being crucial elements of our food’s journey from field to fork, and carbon-intensive ones at that, neither fertilizer, pesticide, or plastic production are made visible as food-related emissions.
What is also hard to see are the subsidies the fossil fuel industry enjoys. By one estimate, the industry benefits from $7 trillion in subsidies annually, making inputs like synthetic fertilizer and pesticides artificially cheap and therefore possible to use on a vast scale. As Raj Patel, author and a Civil Eats advisor, points out on Fuel to Fork, fossil fuels “enable certain kinds of large-scale industrial agriculture to be profitable.”
Meanwhile, we collectively pay the true cost. Fossil fuels make it possible to grow crops in vast monocultures using pesticides instead of biodiversity to deter insects and employing energy-intensive synthetic fertilizers that actually deplete natural soil health and fertility. Fossil fuels also help make ultra-processed foods often the cheapest and most profitable to produce and sell, contributing to a global epidemic of diet-related ill-health.
They allow our food to be grown in far-flung places and wrapped in plastic to sit on shelves for months on end, adding further to the carbon emissions bill as well as disrupting local foodways.
This method of production also enables us to raise livestock on an industrial scale: Artificially cheap fossil fuel makes it economically feasible to grow vast monocultures of feed, primarily corn and soybeans, needed for Confined Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs).
The CAFO system, with its dependence on vast amounts of feed crops, has many knock-off climate effects. Soybean production in Brazil, one of the world’s largest exporters of soybeans for animal feed, has contributed to massive deforestation and land use change there, releasing locked-in carbon into the atmosphere. Mismanaged farm waste on CAFOs has a climate toll as well, responsible for as much as 7 percent of global farming emissions. And methane emissions from ruminants, like cattle, are another significant source of climate impacts.
Fossil fuels have enabled us to soar past our ecological limits.
A man watches the flames from the Palisades Fire burning homes on the Pacific Coast Highway amid a powerful windstorm on January 8, 2025 in Los Angeles, California. (Photo credit: Apu Gomes/Getty Images)
I’m not naive about the challenges of reducing the use of fossil fuel in the food chain or loosening industry’s stranglehold on policymaking. I do believe, however, that by exposing the links between this industry and our food, we can mobilize the political will for action on food systems transformation to reduce dependency on fossil fuels.
And, as more people see the links between fossil fuels and food, we can start to trace a path out of this dependency and find solutions—not just big, thorny, political ones, but everyday ones, too. For those who have the access, and the means, we can make changes ourselves: increase our consumption of whole foods from local, small-scale organic farmers, reduce our consumption of ultra-processed foods, avoid plastic when possible, eat less meat from factory farms, and reduce food waste—to name just a few examples.
Alongside these choices, we must collectively work to prevent the industry from using the food system as an escape hatch, a new market for oil and gas as the public demands decarbonization in other parts of the economy. We can support practices like agroecology and regenerative approaches that reduce dependency on synthetic fertilizer and pesticides while catalyzing a cascade of benefits, from better health outcomes to biodiversity protection.
And we can also make clear that climate action requires food system action. If we needed any further reminder about why this is so urgent, the thousands of acres of blackened, charred Los Angeles neighborhoods should be more than enough.
The post Op-ed: The Food System Cannot Become Another Fossil-Fuel Industry Escape Hatch appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post After 60 Years, ‘Silent Spring’ Is Still Changing the World appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>In late September, California released a sobering report on the amount of pesticide residue found on produce sold in the state: Sixty-five percent had detectable levels, the highest level since the state began monitoring pesticides on food in 2012.
These findings are just the latest reminder of how prevalent these chemicals are in our food system, and they’re especially pertinent six decades after the publication of Silent Spring, Rachel Carson’s seminal book about the dangers of pesticides.
“It had a radical message at the time: raising the alarm about the devastating impact of chemical pesticides and connecting those dots to the profit motive of the corporations behind them.”
Despite her warnings—and all we have learned since—pesticide use is up 81 percent in the past 35 years, with some regions of the world spiking considerably. South America, for instance, has seen an almost 500 percent jump in use during that period.
With pesticides still so rampant, what is the legacy of Silent Spring? How far have we come and how much farther do we have to go to realize the human right to healthy food, and to protect the rights of the farmers and farmworkers growing that food?
To explore these questions, Civil Eats hosted a roundtable with some of the field’s leading voices. They include Mas Masumoto, a California organic peach farmer and author; his forthcoming memoir Secret Harvests is a tale of family farms and a history of secrets. Marcia Ishii is Senior Scientist at Pesticide Action Network of North America, where she has worked for 26 years as a senior scientist. Anne Frederick is a community organizer in Hawaii, working with communities impacted by agrochemical companies’ expansion. Sharon Lerner is an investigative journalist who has reported on pesticides, chemical regulation, and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Sandra Steingraber is a biologist and author, who blends her gifts as a writer, storyteller, and scientist with advocacy.
This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
How did Silent Spring and Rachel Carson’s work touch your life?
Mas Masumoto: The book touched my life directly: I grew up on a farm, in a farm community. My grandparents were farmworkers. For me, her book was a lens into the human condition that is a part of farming: It’s not just growing and producing something—it’s about what’s happening to the people on the land, too.
Marcia Ishii: I started this work many years ago, working in Thailand with farmers who were being directly exposed to chemical pesticides and witnessing the extremely aggressive marketing of pesticides by corporations and agricultural extensionists. When I read Silent Spring, I saw that Rachel Carson was connecting so many of the dots that I had seen firsthand.
It had a radical message at the time: raising the alarm about the devastating impact of chemical pesticides and connecting those dots to the profit motive of the corporations behind them.
By providing well-documented research and beautifully written compelling narratives, she raised the alarm, galvanized public outrage, and forced people to actively and vocally question the agenda behind the pesticide industry’s campaigns. In that sense, Carson played a pivotal role in igniting the environmental movement, with many connections to the issues I was seeing in Thailand, and that Pesticide Action Network activists decades later are still documenting and mobilizing around at the global level.
Sandra, you edited a Library of America volume of Silent Spring, including letters that Carson wrote to her fellow scientists at the time she was working on her manuscript. What did that project teach you about the book’s insights?
Sandra Steingraber: You can see her mind working in those letters. She’s trying to put this jigsaw puzzle together of all the scattered pieces of evidence showing the risks and harms of pesticides—and especially the class of today’s chemicals we call organochlorines, known now to siphon their way up the food chain, concentrating as they go, as hormone-mimicking chemicals linked to cancer. Back then, without a cancer data registry or pesticide registry, Carson was blind to a lot of data we have now. Yet by piecing together all these different studies, she was able to see the harm and mechanisms by which the harm was created.
“Carson is definitely a scientist, but she’s also an amazing reporter, someone who stuck her neck out. And it always strikes me reading Silent Spring how much she cares about what she’s writing about—it bursts out of her. She’s angry.”
She was really interested in the fact that most of the crop dusters had been military planes in World War II—pesticides were products of the war as well. DDT came home as a war hero. It stopped typhus and malaria epidemics and saved the lives of our troops, and the chemical companies were contracted to make great quantities. When we dropped the atom bomb on Japan, ending the war more quickly than we thought, the stockpile of chemicals remained. Madison Avenue was put to work developing ad campaigns to turn these poisons—for which there was no advanced safety testing because it was done under wartime secrecy—into pesticides and broadcast spraying them.
Carson looked at emerging data showing high rates of diabetes among crop dusters, and then looked at what was happening to roosters who were exposed to DDT: The combs on their head were becoming more feminized. From those little bits of data, she was able to correctly deduce that DDT and other organochlorines were what we would call today endocrine disruptors. They were having an effect on the endocrine system—and she was absolutely right.
Anne, from your vantage point in Hawaii, what are you seeing in terms of the pesticide impacts Carson warned us about?
Anne Frederick: My way into this work has been through the stories of folks living on the west side of Kauai, the island where I live. It was in the 1990s and 2000s as the last sugar and pineapple plantations were moving overseas, and agrichemical test fields were being planted in their place. There had been more than a century of scraping away the biodiversity in Hawaii to make way for endless seas of sugar and pineapple, so it was easy for the agrichemical industry to step into the footprint left behind [and grow crops that were genetically modified to withstand large quantities of pesticides]. These fields were adjacent to schools, homes, and the largest concentration of Native Hawaiian residents on island. I started hearing stories from communities living near these test fields, like that of a dear friend who lived 100 feet from one; she and her daughters started developing asthma, other illnesses. Stories like hers drew me in.
I didn’t have a history of working on pesticides, but as a community organizer I wanted to apply my skills to this work. We started by asking for basic transparency and policies like buffer zones between test fields and schools and hospitals. It has taken us decades to win even some of the most basic protections for these communities. When I look at this book from 60 years ago, and all the data that’s followed since, I’m still struck by what an uphill battle it is to get even modest protections and transparency. Part of the reason is because of the hold industry has on our local government. Realizing that has informed our approach of political power building and identifying how we can address regulatory capture and corporate influence in our local government—and seeing that as a root cause that has allowed this harm to go on for so many years before it was addressed.
Sharon, as an investigative journalist, can you share an example from your reporting of how you’ve seen the industry shirk the kind of regulation that might have protected us more?
Sharon Lerner: Yes, I come to Rachel Carson as a fellow reporter. Carson is definitely a scientist, but she’s also an amazing reporter, someone who stuck her neck out. And it always strikes me reading Silent Spring how much she cares about what she’s writing about—it bursts out of her. She’s angry. There’s this idea that as a journalist you are balanced and unbiased, but I don’t believe we are ever not biased. I believe I do have a bias and that my bias is toward not having toxic chemicals in nature and in our bodies. I readily admit to that bias.
I have also always been struck by how much she was attacked in response to this book. Monsanto came out with its own takedown and was really awful. I’m also struck that she died of cancer, and so have many of the people I talked to as I’ve done this kind of reporting.
As a journalist, I’ve focused on pesticides, and particularly the pesticide paraquat. With a reporter from Le Monde, we looked through hundreds of internal documents mostly from Syngenta and its predecessor companies. Our story focused on an additive to paraquat that was supposed to ensure that people didn’t get poisoned with it—and it didn’t work.
In reading through those documents, you saw the evolution of the dialogue internally about pesticide regulation in the U.S. over time. When you look at some of the early documents, you can see that the executives are extremely worried about what the EPA [Environmental Protection Agency] will do to them. Over time, the attitude toward the EPA changes.
“Carson articulated really important concepts in Silent Spring, including the concept of chemical trespass against our bodies, land, water, and air.”
I ended up writing a piece that tried to answer the question of what happened between 1970 (i.e., the founding of the EPA) and today, when we have 16,800 pesticide products on the market. The EPA is [now] not so much a regulator to be feared, but a partner in the production of thousands of pesticides—there has been a real joining forces between industry and EPA. Part of that is the revolving door with regulators going into the pesticide industry. One of the things I showed was that, since 1974, all the directors of EPA’s Office of Pesticide Programs who continued work after holding that office went on to work for the pesticide industry in one way or another. That’s part of the problem.
That paraquat story was chilling. Paraquat is one of the most highly toxic pesticides—a teaspoon of it will kill you, right?
Lerner: Yes, and for that reason, it’s banned in many countries but still in use in the United States. It’s also believed to be linked to Parkinson’s [disease]. There’s litigation now about that—and whether folks can prove in a courtroom that it causes Parkinson’s.
Masumoto: I think part of the power of Silent Spring is the legacy it leaves behind. When I first came back to the farm, I started farming organically, but we were still using some chemicals on part of the farm, and my dad broke out in a rash. He went to the doctor, and his answer was simply: “Stay out of the fields.” You don’t tell a farmer to stay out of his fields. It made me rethink how we were doing things and question how we farmed. It made me realize there’s a human impact of how we do our work—the idea that we take farming practices personally.
Where have we seen the most progress since Silent Spring?
Lerner: There is greater awareness of how important it is to eat foods that weren’t grown with pesticides: organic food. In the seven, eight years I’ve been reporting on this, there’s a change in how people receive this and a greater level of interest. I cannot provide any cheer on the regulatory side.
Steingraber: I appreciate everything that Sharon said. I would never want to bright-side this: We’re in a world of serious harm here. These institutions remain, though some are vestiges of their former selves. But their persistence is because Carson’s words also fomented a populist environmental movement.
Narrowly speaking, Silent Spring is about the toxicological properties of 19 pesticides, yet it was written in such a way that it rocketed to the top of the best-seller list when it was published in September 1962.
This was at the beginning of the Kennedy administration. It caught his attention, which caught the attention of the press and emboldened the media to stand up against the disinformation campaign that the chemical industry almost immediately—even before the book was published—started churning out [responses]. The New Yorker serialized her work. [The magazine] was threatened by the chemical industry, but it just shrugged off the threats of a lawsuit and published it anyway; so did Houghton Mifflin.
Kennedy commissioned an advisory group that wrote a report vindicating her book, which triggered a public hearing where she testified before the Senate. It opened a space in the culture, then all kinds of things happened, including the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act, all these monumental pieces of legislation. The least well-known but maybe the most important was NEPA [the National Environmental Policy Act], the federal statute that requires that any time a government proposes to do something with environmental consequences, the public gets to weigh in, stakeholders have to be consulted, and the government has to take into account what they say.
Recently, we’ve seen this amazing thing happen in Washington, D.C., which is a direct legacy of Rachel Carson: There was this attempt to do so-called “permitting reform” and weaken these regulations for being too cumbersome. Led by Senator [Joe] Manchin [D-West Virginia], with his connections to the fossil-fuel industry, the idea was to throw key provisions of NEPA out the window. The consequence almost surely would be more pipelines built faster, environmental justice would go out the window, public health of communities would be impacted, as well as the climate consequences. But there was strong enough outcry, led by communities of color and people on the ground in Appalachia, where the Mountain Valley Pipeline was supposed to run through, that permitting reform got thrown out. This political power, which prevented Chuck Schumer from moving forward with Joe Manchin and throwing out this really important regulatory framework, is a direct result of Silent Spring. I consider it a kind of indirect victory for Rachel Carson.
Ishii: Carson articulated really important concepts in Silent Spring, including the concept of chemical trespass against our bodies, land, water, and air. She articulated this important concept of the public’s right to know, and not only in biological and scientific terms, but also what’s going on politically behind closed doors. Connecting that and looking at past decades of global pesticide activism and advocacy, we do see a tremendous amount of progress since PAN was founded 30 years ago in Malaysia at a gathering of activists looking at health and environmental harms and injustices of the global pesticide trade.
“It has become politically untenable to spray pesticides next to schools and homes in our community, which is a huge shift.”
We’ve fought for and won a 1,000 percent increase in bans of the worst pesticides. But more than just banning individual pesticides, we have been able to push on the public’s right to know not only what toxins we’re being exposed to, but also governments’ right to know about and refuse the importation of pesticides that have been banned or restricted elsewhere. After 20 years of advocacy, we got the Rotterdam Convention on prior informed consent that provides the right of country importing pesticides to know and then decide to refuse the import. That’s a huge success.
We also got the Stockholm Convention on persistent organic pollutants established to phase out chemicals, including a number of pesticides that persist in the environment, that travel far beyond where they’re used, committing chemical trespass along the way. Both of these conventions have been ratified by over 170 countries.
Just this year, after much advocacy by our partner, PAN Germany, the German government publicly committed to prohibit the exporting of pesticides banned at home. This legal action will come into force next year. A lot is happening, and I attribute it to the power of community mobilizing and coalition organizing, challenging corporate lies and false solutions with scientific and empirical evidence, and lifting up the voices of directly affected communities.
Implementation is always an issue. You get these laws, policies, and agreements, and they’re not always implemented on the ground. It’s not only the USDA and EPA that have been captured by corporate influence, but the United Nations, too. The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) a couple years back announced its intention to formalize a partnership with Crop Life International, the pesticide industry trade group. After mobilizing hundreds of thousands of voices of opposition, the FAO said they are not moving forward with the partnership, but they’re also not really canceling it; it’s just sort of sitting there behind a curtain.
I also have to say despite all this amazing work, pesticide use, profits, and poisonings are all increasing. This is a huge problem. PAN recently investigated pesticide poisonings globally and found that over 385 million people are poisoned from acute unintentional poisonings every year. That’s 44 percent of the 850 million people involved in agriculture. This is a big jump from the often-cited 1990 figure of 25 million.
The problem hasn’t gone away. We can’t just ban, restrict, and phase out. We must do that, especially highly hazard pesticides, but we need to build solutions on the ground. That’s where I’m so excited by local agroecology movements, the work of farmers like Mas who are creating viable, resilient systems on the ground, who are building bridges between rural and urban communities.
Anne, can you speak to how much you’ve been able to accomplish in Hawaii and how much are you’re still up against?
Frederick: I think about my friend who lived 100 feet from test fields—her, her daughters, and community are safer these days. It has become politically untenable to spray pesticides next to schools and homes in our community, which is a huge shift. I see tangible improvements to people’s lives. The banning of chlorpyrifos is another [win], especially because it was so heavily used, particularly on the west side of our island.
“Reframing—that’s what good stories do. Stories reframe things, rewrite things, and allow people to reflect. Suddenly the foods that they eat, it’s like, ‘What are we consuming?'”
One thing that gives me hope in our movement is the groundswell of activism that started around the acute exposure incidents in schools, when teachers and students were hospitalized, and that it has really evolved. There’s still very much a grassroots movement in the streets, but there’s also a political savvy that has evolved, too. A lot of the folks who first mobilized around these basic protections have gotten involved in local politics. For example, the Maui County Council is majority progressive for the first time in the political history of Hawaii. They’ve been able to pass the most stringent organic public land management ordinance. There’s a lot of great news at our local level, which we know is also threatened by preemption at the federal level.
Mas, are farmers more open to the lessons of Silent Spring? What do you see as its legacy for farmers?
Masumoto: Farmers are obviously close to working with nature and understanding things like climate change. What Silent Spring showed was the power of stories, and Carson captured the story of pesticides for a broader public, but it penetrated rural sectors and farmers, too. Out of the book was this idea that there are new directions we have to start taking. I’m seeing more and more farmers talking about and looking at soil life and biology. Dirt isn’t just dirt and lifeless. They’re starting to look at it through a different lens—that’s a quantum leap. That’s very important, because suddenly you see life in the soils, you see life around us, we’re growing life! With that comes this idea that our goal as farmers is not to kill what we don’t see and don’t know.
I also think a younger generation is seeing food through the lens of how it is grown and who grows it. For an older generation, it’s looking at food as medicine and realizing it’s not just a matter of taking another pill—it’s about the foods we eat.
Reframing—that’s what good stories do. Stories reframe things, rewrite things, and allow people to reflect. Suddenly the foods that they eat, it’s like, “What are we consuming?” Boy, that’s a huge leap to start thinking, “Who grows it, how do they grow it, what ways do they grow it, and what goes into the food?”
The public is beginning to see, feel, and taste the environment in the foods we eat. And that’s a huge shift as opposed to the old model—you just go to the grocery store and you don’t care where it comes from. That makes me very, very optimistic.
What’s the biggest takeaway you want people to hold from Silent Spring?
Steingraber: The human rights approach. Carson was clear that people affected by pesticides and other harmful chemicals have the right to know and take action—and the government needs to be responsive.
Lerner: She was already onto the concern about regrettable substitutions: DDT itself was a substitute, and she was looking ahead, unfortunately, to what would be an ongoing cycle.
Frederick: The example of the courage of speaking out against a powerful industry, even when it’s uncomfortable. They’re always going to try to marginalize this work, but we need to persevere. We owe it to our communities and our planet.
Ishii: Yes to all of this. I would add Carson’s passion, joy, and love. As we organize and come together as social movements, we’re fighting the bad, but we’re also building beautiful, loving systems of mutual care and healing. This collectivist, community approach is at the heart of what we need to do going forward.
Masumoto: For me, it’s about what we can and should demand to control.
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]]>The post How the Largest Global Meat and Dairy Companies Evade Climate Scrutiny appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Last fall, the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association (NCBA) took out a full-page ad in The New York Times declaring that the U.S. “produces the most sustainable beef in the world” and that “cattle play an important role in protecting and enhancing our ecosystems.” Why was the nation’s beef trade group spending some of its $66.5 million budget to promote this climate-forward message? Because the conversation about the climate crisis has been heating up (pun intended) and policy makers increasingly connect food production, particularly meat and dairy, with the crisis—and rightfully so.
“If you look at how many of these 35 meat and dairy companies analyzed in that report even calculate the share of their own emissions, it’s less than half.”
As much as 37 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions can be traced to the global food system, the majority from meat and dairy, pointing toward policy solutions that very much put the bull’s eye on the meat producers paying the NCBA’s bills. One recent study, for instance, found that high-income countries—especially the U.S., France, Australia, and Germany—could cut their agriculture emissions by two-thirds through diet change alone, largely by reducing meat consumption. But, despite findings like this one, meat companies are still largely out of the firing line when it comes to climate activism and policy making.
Last year, a study published in Climatic Change set out to explore the climate culpability of the top 35 animal agriculture companies globally in terms of climate impacts, building on an earlier report from the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP) and GRAIN. This new study investigates how the world’s biggest meat and dairy companies are being transparent (or not) about this responsibility and what role these companies play in a political and cultural conversation that is leading to obstruction on climate action.
Civil Eats spoke with Jennifer Jacquet, the corresponding author on the study and an associate professor at New York University, about the powerful political sway these companies hold, why they’re not being held accountable for their outsized contributions to climate change, and what to do about it.
Let’s start with what inspired this research.
We wanted to do for animal agriculture what Richard Heede had done in exposing the role of industrial producers in the climate crisis. When IATP and GRAIN published “Emissions Impossible,” we were thrilled to see they had done exactly that, so we thought about how we could contribute the next step.
What argument are you making about the responsibility of companies in the climate crisis?
I had been thinking about the role of corporations, and especially publicly held corporations, for a long time. I was influenced by Dale Jamieson, who is a colleague at NYU and a philosopher. He’d also been thinking about different kinds of responsibility—moral, legal—and the different actors, like the nation state, to which the Paris Agreement gives primary responsibility [for addressing climate change]. With work like Rick Heede’s on industrial producers and climate in Climactic Change, or like Shoibal Chakravartyʻs PNAS paper on individual per-capita consumption, you start to think about how responsibility can fracture and how different views of responsibility can be useful to policymakers.
Frankly, I think corporate actors have gone under the radar for way too long. They clearly don’t take much responsibility. If you look at how many of these 35 meat and dairy companies analyzed in that report even calculate the share of their own emissions, it’s less than half. This is a big indicator that they don’t view themselves as having much responsibility and that society hasn’t held them accountable for these problems.
Yes, there’s this interesting effect that can happen when you start talking about attribution differently: It can illuminate responsibility in new ways.
“The U.S. beef industry loves to say, ‘We’re nothing like Brazilian meat.’ Well, we were more like them at some point.”
Just like the way that Bernie Sanders helped to reframe the idea of economic inequality to “the 1 percent” in the U.S., that’s an attribution question. The way that influenced conversations about responsibility was so interesting. I think looking at these 35 companies is very much like that. Keep in mind: We know animal agriculture contributes somewhere between 15 to 20 percent of anthropogenic climate change and these companies are the largest in the world, the most transnational. Though this sector is not as consolidated as it is in fossil fuels, these 35 companies still have an outsized influence.
How did you look at responsibility on the part of companies, like meat companies, whose products so often cross borders?
It’s a great question for anyone interested in doing work on climate change. Take any sector—aviation, shipping, fossil fuels—it’s a tricky question. You have a company, say, headquartered in Texas, but half their production is abroad, and half their production is subsidiaries that are owned in six other countries, and their consumer base is largely in Asia. Who should be responsible?
This was one of the pushbacks we got to the paper from industry: “We don’t like that you attributed, say, Smithfield, to America rather than China, for instance [because Smithfield is now wholly owned by the Chinese company WH Group].” Well, how would you suggest we do it? There’s no single right way to attribute responsibility.
When you start undertaking these exercises, you realize how complicated globalization has made the question of responsibility. You have [Brazilian company] JBS, the largest meat company in the world, but more than half of its production is [outside of Brazil]. I’m sure the Brazilian government is asking, “Why are you attributing JBS’s emissions to Brazil?” Currently, a lot of emissions in general, and especially in animal agriculture, are slipping through the cracks.
Many of these companies are also very resistant to taking responsibility for their supply chain emissions: The things happening as a result of their production that are outside their immediate purview. But we’re saying, “Deforestation that’s associated with your grazing? We can tie that to you.”
Where else do you see emissions—and responsibility—slipping through the cracks?
Emissions can also slip through the cracks temporally. Right now, the U.S. doesn’t look as bad in terms of impacts from animal agriculture relative to Brazil, because we are already did all the deforestation. We’re not thinking historically. The U.S. beef industry loves to say, “We’re nothing like Brazilian meat.” Well, we were more like them at some point. Maybe it wasn’t the Amazon rainforest, but certainly the land use changes on account of our own cattle industry have been significant.
You could argue in some ways that the countries with [the highest levels of] consumption should be responsible even if the production is elsewhere, like all the meat that JBS is producing is not consumed in Brazil. Why shouldn’t Germans, say, have some kind of accountability for that? We’re not arguing against that view by any means, but it’s illuminating.
New Zealand—small population, strong environmental policies—has a big economic engine in meat production. As a percentage of its emissions, the sector is huge. The U.S. beef industry likes to pride itself on the small percentage of national emissions attributed to beef, but that’s largely because the U.S. is such a significant emitter overall. That’s another way emissions can slip through the cracks: narrative framing.
“These companies, especially meat and dairy, want to focus exclusively on carbon dioxide, not on methane, because that benefits the calculations.”
Yes—how to lie with statistics. As you point out, the U.S. beef industry loves to capitalize on the large denominator, which is our overall emissions, to make the industry look good. It does that very strategically. They won’t talk about emissions in absolute terms; they want to talk about everything relatively.
New Zealand is fascinating. Not only do they have good policies, but as you say, it’s largely for exports; it’s not being consumed in New Zealand. They’re really trying to grapple with that fact.
In a lot of the documentation between industry and the government over this latest round of the Paris Agreement, [industry is] clearly demanding a carve-out for methane. That’s another way emissions are slipping through the cracks: These companies, especially meat and dairy, want to focus exclusively on carbon dioxide, not on methane, because that benefits the calculations.
I can’t imagine why the industry wouldn’t want to talk about methane.
(Laughs) In addition to land-use change, most of the impact from the livestock industry is from methane emissions from cattle. It’s one reason why the beef industry is running scared—or more than other kinds of terrestrial animal agriculture—because cows have this outsized impact as a result of methane [emissions from ruminant digestion], which is a more intense greenhouse gas [in the immediate term].
Another theme of your research was transparency. What did you find as you analyzed the transparency or lack thereof on the part of the meat industry and the implications for climate action?
Since fewer than half of the 35 companies disclose their emissions, let alone how they calculated them, that leaves us in a totally opaque situation. IATP and GRAIN received pushback over their report, from companies saying they didn’t like how they had calculated emissions estimates. The researchers said, “Okay, so tell us how you’d like to do it?” They’ve never issued a formal correction to the report, because the companies wouldn’t disclose the methods that they use or prefer.
In our research, we showed that in some cases a single company—if it grows at the rate it says it will—would make up 100 percent or more of the total emissions for some countries, like in the case of Denmark. This is one way to highlight the impact of meat and dairy companies, and we believe it’s a worthwhile exercise. If you are Switzerland and you are making these commitments, you really need to be committed to doing something about Nestlé [which is headquartered there], too. How much scrutiny are you paying to that sector or that company? We’re seeing very little scrutiny, and that’s the frustration.
In this study, you also explore one reason we may not have seen this kind of scrutiny: the power of industry lobbying.
“They hire a network of defenders, which include trade associations, PR firms, lawyers, think tanks, and academics to both challenge the science and the policy implications of that science.”
We looked at the social influence of the 10 biggest U.S. [meat and dairy] companies. It was surprising to see how politically engaged they are. These companies are not just impacting our physical earth system, but they are hugely influential socially as well. We found, for instance, that Tyson—the largest meat company and emitter of the U.S. meat and dairy companies—has spent twice as much on political campaigns and 20 percent more on lobbying in the 21st century, as a percentage of their revenue, as Exxon did.
These companies haven’t been on the climate radar for nearly as long as the fossil fuel industry, so if we don’t do something about this, they’re in an even better position than fossil fuel companies were to prevent government action. And we know how powerful the fossil fuel companies have been.
We found, not surprisingly, that the largest companies were more influential politically than smaller companies, but we found that every company was doing something to influence the social environment in which they operate, whether that’s funding politicians directly, or funding groups that downplay the connection between animal agriculture and climate change.
How do these companies shape the climate conversation about animal agriculture emissions?
I recently wrote a book on corporate scientific denial and I was coming across meat and dairy companies in doing that research, because they’re actively working against the science. We know a lot now about [science denial from] Exxon and Shell because of historic documents, but with meat and dairy, you can see it in real time. These companies are threatened by new science. And when that happens, they begin to adopt the playbook that other companies have used, to great degrees of success, over the last century: They hire a network of defenders, which include trade associations, PR firms, lawyers, think tanks, and academics to both challenge the science and the policy implications of that science. As I pointed out in an op-ed for the Washington Post, big meat and dairy are adopting a lot of the same tactics as Big Oil.
One way they differ is that they aren’t outright denying climate change, although I’m not giving them lots of credit for that—if this was 1972, they very well might be. Instead, they’re challenging causation, primarily saying they really aren’t as big of an emitter as they seem. [They] hire people like Frank Mitloehner, and they also hire the Edelmans of the world to put out what you could call fake news, or spin, or misinformation-for-hire. Whatever you call it, it’s not independent: You paid to create it, you paid to spread it. We need to appreciate how much misinformation shapes our daily lives, our political lives, our cultural lives; these companies are no doubt directly part of that.
“In addition to these companies telling their shareholders that they are going to keep growing, a huge amount of their money goes to ad campaigns trying to convince consumers to keep eating meat.”
In addition to challenging the link between animals and climate change, they’re also saying there will be easy technical solutions, like seaweed in cattle feed [to reduce methane emissions from cows], but it’s still factory farming. Or, saying they are committed to net zero. This blows my mind. Last year, JBS took out a full-page ad in The New York Times about its commitment to “net zero.” And you’re just like, how? That’s like me saying, “I’m going to fly.” There’s no way for me to logically understand how JBS, the largest meat company in the world with the largest set of meat and dairy-related emissions, will get to net zero. They don’t lay out a plan, but they get tons positive PR for the proclamation. I find the fact that civil society allows these things to go unchallenged remarkable. It’s total theater.
Climate theater. Did you see a shift in the conversation on climate and terrestrial meat at COP26?
The conversation has shifted. Meat and dairy are a much bigger part of the conversation than they were five years ago. But how that plays out in the National Determined Contributions (NDCs) [non-binding national mitigation plans for tackling climate change] is an open question. Methane is getting more attention, and that’s important. But was anybody satisfied with COP26? I was not happy with the Biden administration pandering to industry, but I do think the conversation is gaining traction. That’s part of the reason I pointed out in that Washington Post op-ed that people make the decision about what they eat three times a day. They do not make the decision about what kind of car they drive or what kind of energy powers their home, with nearly the same frequency. As Civil Eats readers know, people are interested in food, so this is naturally going to be a much more public conversation—and a bloodier battlefield, perhaps.
In your op-ed, you cited a poll that found 1 in 4 Americans reported cutting back on meat in 2019. The second most-commonly cited reason, after health, was the environment. That’s significant.
In addition to these companies telling their shareholders that they are going to keep growing, a huge amount of their money goes to ad campaigns trying to convince consumers to keep eating meat.
Yes, there’s a lot of money spent to shape the story of this commodity—and we’re not even talking about the marketing budgets of, say, McDonald’s, the largest seller of beef in the country.
It’s striking the way in which these commodities are so linked to the American identity. I know people have talked about [commodity groups spending money on advertisement] a lot, but in doing the research, and seeing the reaction to it, it became palpable to me. One thing I have found is how huge the impact of the “Got Milk?” campaigns and the NCBA marketing [“Beef: It’s What’s for Dinner”] has been. So many people believe meat and dairy are fundamental to America. I thought we were a land of change and innovators—and in seeing the reaction I got to this study, I’m really struck by how much of a grasp on the cultural narrative this industry has.
What impact did you hope this paper would have?
I have heard that some people working on climate advocacy around the fossil fuel industry feel threatened by the food and climate conversation. They don’t want it to distract from scrutiny on the ExxonMobils of the world. But I don’t think of it that way. I think this conversation is drawing new people in, new philanthropy, new civil society organizations. The animal welfare community, for instance, is talking about climate change in a new way because of the direct linkage between animal agriculture and climate change. The other thing I would hope for is that state, regional, and federal climate policy, as well as the NDC commitments to the Paris Agreement, would start to reflect that society is taking animal agriculture seriously in climate change and that we recognize these companies as major social forces and as political actors.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
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]]>The post What Carey Gillam Learned Through Years of Investigating Monsanto appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>In August, 2018, a judge for the Superior Court of San Francisco, California read the verdict in a first-of-its-kind case: A suit against agrochemical giant Bayer over the link between non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma and the company’s glyphosate-based weedkillers, Roundup and RangerPro. On every count, the jury found Monsanto (now owned by Bayer) guilty. The court held that Bayer’s glyphosate-based weedkiller had caused the plaintiff’s cancer to develop, the company should have warned users of the health risks and failed to do so, and it had acted with “malice, oppression, and fraud” and should pay punitive damages. The total jury award: $289.2 million—reduced to $20.5 million on appeal. (Bayer will not appeal that $20.5 million Roundup verdict—the first Roundup verdict in the nation—to the U.S. Supreme Court, the company recently announced.)
Veteran journalist and research director at public health advocacy group U.S. Right to Know Carey Gillam’s new book The Monsanto Papers offers an inside look at the legal fight that led to that historic verdict and an intimate portrait of the plaintiff at the heart of it, Lee Johnson. For the book, a follow-up to her first, Whitewash: The Story of a Weed Killer, Cancer, and the Corruption of Science, Gillam pored over 80,000 pages of exhibits and documents and a 50,000-page trial transcript to reveal a chilling story of decades of doubt, denialism, and deflection that allowed glyphosate to become the most widely used herbicide in the world. It also profiles the legal advocates trying to hold the company accountable in the absence of government regulations doing so.
I spoke with Gillam about the implications of her research, the future of glyphosate, and how Bayer plans to keep selling the controversial product.
Tell us about the herbicide at the center of this story.
Glyphosate is the active ingredient in these weed killers. Most people are familiar with Roundup as the brand name, a popular product to kill weeds in yards and gardens. Farmers use Roundup products to kill weeds in their fields and school districts and municipalities use it for a variety of reasons. It has become so ubiquitous that our government scientists have found glyphosate residues in rainfall. It’s commonly found as residues in the food we eat; it’s in the water we drink. So what the science tells us that it can do to our health and to our environment is a critically important issue.
At the heart of your story is Lee Johnson, the first plaintiff to sue Bayer, which bought Monsanto and thus took on its glyphosate liability in 2018. What’s Lee’s connection to the weedkiller?
Lee was a groundskeeper for a school district in Northern California. Part of his job was spraying these glyphosate-based weed killers around school grounds. He tried to wear protective gear as you’re supposed to do, but had been led to believe these products were safe. When he had an accident, and was doused in the weed killer, he didn’t worry about it too much because he had heard that these weedkillers were safe enough to drink. But soon after his accident, he developed a type of non-Hodgkin lymphoma. It manifests in the skin and ravages a person from head to toe. It caused Lee immense suffering and led to a terminal diagnosis. My story follows Lee from before his cancer through that journey and, ultimately, to when he decided a way to make his suffering meaningful was to try to hold Monsanto accountable and to take the company to trial.
In the book, you dive into internal Monsanto documents to tell the story of the tactics that the company used to shape the story of glyphosate. Can you describe those tactics?
The foundation to this story is that for 40 years the company has been deceiving consumers, regulators, lawmakers, farmers, and people like Lee who use glyphosate. Monsanto has been actively working to manipulate the scientific record about the safety of this chemical. That was made very clear through thousands of pages of documents, many that I had obtained before the litigation and that became the source material for my first book, Whitewash, and then the thousands of pages that came out during litigation.
There are so many examples. In these documents, Monsanto discusses ghost writing scientific papers to promote the safety of glyphosate. They also talk about funding front groups, using third-party organizations to both promote the safety of this chemical and lobby lawmakers and regulators, and to attack people like myself, scientists, or anyone pointing to evidence that indicated health problems with this chemical. They spent literally millions of dollars on these subversive campaigns to discredit legitimate, independent science and to promote their ghost-written, manipulated science. They did this over decades and you see that very clearly laid out in the documents.
The magnitude of this story was hard to wrap my mind around.
Yes, there have been so many victims: Lee Johnson was the first person to take Monsanto to trial, but now, in the United States, there are over 100,000 people who have sued Monsanto, alleging their non-Hodgkin lymphoma is caused by their exposure to Roundup.
Can you explain why the use of Roundup has increased and how it is tied to genetically engineered seeds?
Yes, genetically engineered crops, or GMOs, are linked very closely to glyphosate. Monsanto brought to market the very first genetically engineered crops in the 1990s. They weren’t designed to be more nutritious or grow better with less water; they were designed to be glyphosate-tolerant, so they could be sprayed directly with the herbicide and not die.
Why did the company focus on engineering this trait? We see from their internal records that Monsanto’s patent on glyphosate was expiring in 2000 and the company wanted to hold onto market share. They wanted to make sure generic glyphosate products didn’t take over the market. It was quite ingenious. They could develop what they called Roundup-Ready seeds and sell those to farmers as a package deal: you plant your Roundup-Ready corn, soy, cotton, canola, or sugar beets and spray directly with Roundup herbicide. The weeds in your fields will die and your crops will not.
Farmers loved it. It made their lives easier and the bonus, they were hearing, was it was safe enough to drink. The company said, “It has no impact on people or pets and it’s environmentally friendly.” With the release of these herbicide-resistant, genetically engineered crops, we saw glyphosate use skyrocket. It’s now the world’s most widely used herbicide. It went from about 25 million pounds or so used annually in the United States in the 1990s to close to 300 million pounds in 2015. That’s why we now see so much glyphosate in our creeks and rivers, in air samples, and in our food.
You found internal documents that show how the company was working to discredit journalists and others who were raising questions about its safety—journalists like you.
Yes, I had known that Monsanto was working to undermine me for years and discredit my first book, Whitewash. I was at Reuters from 1998 until 2015. They didn’t like that I was writing about the science showing harm associated with glyphosate and in those last several years, they worked really hard on my editors to try to get me pulled off the beat.
I knew they were funding front groups trying to discredit me, but as I read the internal documents, seeing a spreadsheet with my name on it with an action plan and strategies to tear me down—that was eye-opening. My main thought was: If they do that to me—one little gal in Kansas who writes a book or two—imagine what they’re doing to the scientists who are trying to do thorough, independent research.
Thanks to this court case, anyone can now read these internal conversations. Can you talk about how these documents became publicly available?
Yes, one of Johnson’s lawyers, Brent Wisner, used a loophole in a protective order to get these papers out in the public. Monsanto wanted very much to keep secret these internal records—emails, text messages, things that were quite damning. While they had to give them to the plaintiff’s lawyers, they wanted to keep them sealed so journalists and members of the public couldn’t see them. The judge issued a protective order and it had certain criteria each side had to meet in order to keep the documents sealed. Wisner essentially found a loophole and used it to release them. It was a gutsy move; suffice it to say Monsanto was furious.
The internal documents also reveal a coordinated effort by Bayer/Monsanto to try to discredit the highest-level international agency on cancer, which had ruled that glyphosate was a probable carcinogen.
Yes, the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) is an arm of the World Health Organization. Their job is to analyze published peer-reviewed literature on different substances suspected to be carcinogenic and to assess the hazard. They looked at glyphosate because it was so widely used and because there was so much epidemiology and toxicology literature linking it to cancer, particularly non-Hodgkin lymphoma.
These were independent scientists at the top of their field, brought in from around the world, with no ties to any company or any activist group, and they determined glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen, with an association of non-Hodgkin lymphoma. Typically, their rulings generally don’t make headlines around the world, but the glyphosate classification did, and Monsanto was ready with an attack plan. We saw the plan in their internal documents. Interestingly enough, they put it together before IARC made the decision.
Monsanto discussed internally that they expected such a classification. They then went about trying to tear down these individual scientists. At one point, Monsanto involved U.S. lawmakers to get a hearing in the House of Representatives to look at stripping funding from IARC.
Let’s talk about the Johnson verdict. What was your reaction when you heard it?
I was watching the verdict read live from Australia, where I had been asked to speak about glyphosate. I actually didn’t believe [Johnson’s lawyers] could climb that hill, but the jury came back with a unanimous decision and $250 million in punitive damages because they were so outraged at the evidence of Monsanto’s deception.
Where does it go from here?
Bayer bought Monsanto in June of 2018 just before the Lee Johnson trial started, so the liability rests with Bayer and Bayer has been fighting back. There have been two subsequent trials. The company lost both of those as well, but they’ve appealed all the verdicts. They’ve lost all the appeals to date, but they’ve been successful in reducing the verdicts. In one of the other trials, the jury found that the evidence of Monsanto’s deception was so egregious they awarded $2 billion in punitive damages. But trial and appellate judges have reduced those awards significantly.
Now, Bayer has decided they don’t want any more trials. Three losses were enough. They have agreed to pay $11 billion to settle the existing U.S. litigation. They also put forward a plan in which they would pay about $2 billion into a fund that would cover people who’ve been using Roundup, but who haven’t yet developed non-Hodgkin lymphoma, or just haven’t filed a lawsuit yet. This would be a way to try to accommodate those people. They’re going to send out notices to Home Depot and other places where Roundup is sold. They are trying to determine how to ward off future litigation because of course they want to keep selling their product.
And Lee?
Lee Johnson finally did get paid after my book went to print, but just a tiny fraction of what the jury had wanted him to receive and what they had ordered in their verdict. He wasn’t expected to live this long. His own attorneys thought that he might die before trial and Monsanto’s attorneys predicted he wouldn’t live beyond November of 2019. He’s still suffering, but he’s able to be with his family and see the impact he’s been able to make from this case and from his activism.
Last time I was at Home Depot, I saw a huge Roundup display with no warning labels.
They are talking about putting something on the label. They don’t want to put language that says it can cause cancer, but they’re thinking about something that provides a link to a webpage that talks about the science.
So despite all this litigation they can’t be required to put a warning label on their products?
They certainly could if the EPA was going to stand up to Monsanto. But we’ve seen for more than 40 years that the EPA has not done that. In the book, I share lots of internal documents and records from the EPA essentially saying, “Hey, we think you should put a warning label on it. This looks dangerous.” And we see Monsanto push back and bring political pressure, and then the EPA folds, time and time again.
We are seeing other countries step up. Mexico has said that it plans to ban glyphosate. Thailand tried a couple of years ago. Bayer enlisted the help of the State Department and other U.S. officials to put the screws on countries talking about bans, so they wouldn’t. Thailand backed away after the U.S. pressure, but Mexico is saying it will go ahead with the ban, and other countries like Germany and France have gone ahead with it.
The science is clear that pesticides like glyphosate are contributing to cancers and reproductive health harms and a whole array of problems. We need to speak out. We need to make food policy as important as foreign policy.
This interview is based on a Real Food Media podcast interview, and has been edited for clarity and length.
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]]>The post New Study Shows the Growing Risks of Pesticide Poisonings appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>We’ve been hearing more and more about the impact of pesticides on insects, other wildlife, and ecosystems, but this research puts a magnifying glass on another huge concern about the explosive use of pesticides around the world: their impact on people.
When I learned about this study, I thought: finally. For years, I had been tracking the global estimates for pesticide poisonings and fatalities. Over this time, I had noticed something strange—the numbers I saw reported in various outlets had stayed the same, about 1 million pesticide poisonings and about 200,000 fatalities, annually. The fatality figure made headlines most recently in 2017 when the United Nations released a report on pesticides and human rights, and one article after another repeated the figure like it was breaking news: “U.N. report estimates pesticides kill 200,000 people per year,” read one headline.
But dig behind these headlines and you would find these numbers were old—really old. The poisoning and fatality estimates that we’d been hearing for years actually came from a 1990 World Health Organization (WHO) report. In other words, we have not had solid global data on how many people are getting sick and dying every year from pesticide exposure for decades—and even that 1990 figure was more back-of-the-napkin math than systematic review.
This new study—based on a review of more than 170 studies from 140 countries—finally provides up-to-date estimates for occupational pesticide poisoning incidents and unintentional fatalities. The conclusions should alarm us all and kick policy makers into gear on long-standing commitments to crack down on the world’s most toxic pesticides, like the insecticide chlorpyrifos still widely used even though it’s a known brain-damaging chemical with no safe level of exposure for children.
I had a chance to dive into the study with two of its authors, Wolfgang Boedeker, an epidemiologist and board member of Pesticide Action Network-Germany, and Emily Marquez, a staff scientist with the Pesticide Action Network-North America. Boedeker shared what this study reveals about how widespread pesticide poisonings are and Marquez helped highlight what can do about it, particularly in the United States.
Let’s start with the headline: you estimate that 44 percent of farmers worldwide experience unintentional acute pesticide poisoning (UAPP). What is a UAPP?
Boedeker: WHO defines acute pesticide poisoning as when one or more symptoms—such as headaches or dizziness, developing a rash, or feeling dizzy or nauseous—have been reported by workers or farmers within 48 hours of contact with these chemicals. In most cases, these poisonings are experienced as unspecific symptoms after you’ve used pesticides in your field. They may show up a couple of hours after applying pesticides, then be gone again.
What you found about the prevalence of UAPPs was shocking: You estimate that 44 percent of all farmers are poisoned by pesticides every year. But what about the person who may ask, “So what? A farmer feels a little sick in their field, why should we care about these illnesses—and not just mortality?”
Boedeker: If you get intoxicated by pesticide poisoning, you get sick, you often can’t work, you lose income. And, every acute exposure can lead to long-term, chronic disease. Acute intoxication is an unacceptable sign of an exposure to dangerous chemicals. We have to take it very seriously. This is one of the key messages in this paper: not just to look to the fatal intoxication, but enlarge our perspective to the non-fatal intoxication because these poisonings are an expression of dangerous exposure to chemicals.
Many of these acute exposures can lead to chronic illnesses, like cancer. We didn’t include an investigation into that literature because it would have made this study much more complicated, but we need a systematic review on the chronic effects of pesticides, too. And while in this study, we didn’t include the public health effects of the uptake of pesticides via food either, we know there are residues in food and drinking water—and that’s another important issue that needs systematic review. systematic
You estimate 11,000 fatalities every year from unanticipated pesticide poisonings, a much lower figure than the previous one from WHO, but notably, yours does not include fatalities from intentional poisoning. And, your paper notes how widespread that is: An estimated 14 million people have died by suicide using pesticides since the advent of the Green Revolution in the 1960s.
Boedeker: Right. Our fatality figure is lower but as you say we don’t include suicides. Suicides by pesticide poisoning have been investigated for a long while now, and yes, the numbers are alarming.
One reason for the number of poisonings is that pesticide use has skyrocketed: up 81 percent in the past 35 years. In certain regions, you note, that increase has been dramatic. South America saw almost a 500 percent increase while Europe saw just a 3 percent bump.
Boedeker: Yes, the profile of pesticide use has changed dramatically in these 35 years. The amount of pesticides used has grown and the size of rural populations has become larger, so more people are being exposed to more pesticides.
What did you find in terms of geographic hotspots for pesticide poisonings?
Boedeker: Countries in the Global South are most affected, which is to be expected: Not only are these regions where pesticide use is high, but also where there are fewer protective measures against exposure.
What did you hope for the report’s impact?
Boedeker: Our first aim was to have a more reliable figure on pesticide poisoning. The old figure was still cited in every policy paper when it comes to the public health impacts of pesticide use. We wanted to widen the scope beyond fatal poisoning. Secondly, our hope was to show that even after decades of policy interventions, pesticide poisoning is still a big problem. While our number of fatalities is smaller than the old figure, our UAPP figure is so much higher. Our analysis shows that this is a big public health problem and there is urgent need to address it.
What are policy approaches that could address this crisis?
Boedeker: There was a push years ago to stop the export to the Global South of highly hazardous pesticides, or HHPs, but then it got quiet. [There are nearly 300 HHPs on the market, these are pesticides that are known to be highly toxic to humans, linked to cancer or endocrine disruption or those that have shown to be particularly damaging to the environment]. We have a new push for this discussion based on this data. In Germany, for instance, we have governmental discussions on the prohibition of the export of HHPs and we are hoping to see this throughout Europe.
Marquez: Pesticide Action Network-North America got its start campaigning on the export of HHPs banned in the United States but sold in other countries where they weren’t banned. It’s important to keep watchdogging this, as PAN Germany, PAN Europe, and other partners in PAN International like Public Eye do with their “double standards” campaigns.
Right, there’s been organizing around HHPs for a long time. In your paper, you mention a 2006 United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization recommendation for a progressive ban on highly hazardous pesticides, so what happened?
Boedeker: We haven’t seen more progress on this ban, I believe, because of successful international lobbying by the chemical industry, which has made sure these recommendations have not come far. There is a United Nations ethical code of conduct on pesticide use and management with clear messages that these pesticides—which are dangerous and not to be used in certain conditions because they need to be applied with protective measures—should not be exported or used in certain countries. We hope this study will help policy makers realize how getting these codes of conduct in place, and putting real restrictions on HHPs, is an urgent public health issue.
What are national policy priorities that you think could make a difference?
Marquez: In the United States, I think we could do a lot more to prevent pesticide poisonings in agriculture by strengthening protections for farmworkers. Every year in California, for example, there is news about farmworkers—sometimes large groups, all at the same time—getting poisoned while they’re working. Another very important way to get at this problem is transitioning off agriculture that depends so heavily on pesticides to manage the system. Research on nonchemical alternatives to pesticides is really important and it doesn’t get as much funding as it needs.
And what can we do as individuals?
Marquez: As a voter, I would pay attention to what your representatives have to say about farmworkers, supporting small farmers, and research initiatives on non-chemical alternatives to pesticides—especially if you are from a state that has a lot of agriculture. You can also engage your local representative and ask them what they’re doing about pesticide poisonings. Any place where pesticides get used has the potential for people to get poisoned.
There are other policy processes you can engage in—some states have taken the step of banning or phasing out a particular pesticide, for example, as with action around the insecticide chlorpyrifos in Hawaii, New York, and California. Five other states are now pursuing regulatory action on the insecticide. There are other processes, too, like participating in comment periods in your state or county or weighing in during comment periods from national agencies. Our organization, Pesticide Action Network, provides updates on key comment periods for public engagement, helping people around the country engage in these important policy battles.
This interview has been edited for clarity and length.
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]]>The post New Research Confirms What We Eat Is Central to the Climate Crisis appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Without radically reducing emissions from agriculture, the research shows we won’t meet the Paris Agreement’s goal to limit average warming to 1.5°C – 2°C degrees. And yet, even those targets still position us to face some pretty extreme climate impacts.
Civil Eats talked with Michael Clark, a researcher at the Nuffield Department of Population Health at the University of Oxford and one of the lead authors on the study, about the findings, what they teach us about collective action to move the needle on climate, and how we might build the political will to do so.
Why does the food system have such a big climate toll?
One of the main sources of greenhouse gas emissions from food systems is meat, and within that red meat from ruminants: beef, sheep, goats, and—to a lesser extent—other livestock like pork. The reason why ruminants have a relatively large impact is two-fold: They’re particularly inefficient at converting grass into things we can eat; or, if they’re not being fed grass, converting soy or other feed into food for humans. This matters because you have to include the climate impacts of producing the feed we then give to cows and other ruminants. Another reason why ruminants are particularly high emitters is because during their digestive process, they convert their food into methane, a potent greenhouse gas that they then burp.
The other large source of emissions within food systems is from fertilizer use—from how it is processed to emissions from application. Nitrogen naturally converts into nitrous oxide, which is one of the other very potent greenhouse gases.
This I think has been a blind spot. We’ve disrupted the carbon cycle, but we’ve disrupted the nitrogen cycle, too.
Exactly. Estimates are that humans have doubled the amount of reactive nitrogen in the world—that is human sources of reactive nitrogen are at least as large as the amount of reactive nitrogen that is naturally available. Not ideal.
Your findings paint a picture based on current trends. What trends did you track?
Very broadly speaking, emissions from the food system are a function of what we eat, how it’s produced, and the size of the population. We looked at these three factors and trends to date and projected out if these patterns continue over the next several decades.
What we found at a global scale is that the most important driver is changes in dietary habits; populations eating more food and eating a larger proportion of that food from animal sources, either meat, dairy, or eggs. Population growth is an important driver, but it’s not as important as dietary habit change. And while changes in food production—like having better management techniques and reducing emissions per unit of food—could counter those shifts, it would not be by a huge amount.
Now, all this is at a global scale; for any single country, that global pattern may not match up. Diets are changing, but not uniformly. For instance, diets are not changing by a huge amount in the United States, but if you go to a place like China or Brazil, countries experiencing large economic transitions, there are massive dietary shifts happening and with them those emissions are going to be driven up.
Do you feel the story of food systems emissions has been late to the game in climate change?
Rightfully, a lot of the effort, focus, and political will has targeted emissions abatement through fossil fuels. That makes a huge amount of sense. But we’re getting better knowledge about the impact food has had on the environment—and the trajectory of emissions—and starting to see, thankfully, food becoming a bigger part of the conversation.
Talk about some of the main levers for change. First, plant-rich diets: Let’s get into what you mean by that and why this diet shift makes a difference.
We mean a reduction in meat, dairy, and eggs and an increase in fruits, vegetables, whole grains, nuts, legumes, and so on. What’s critical here is that while the endpoint is similar for everyone in the world, the direction you might need to go to get there will be really different. In the United States, for instance, this shift in diets might mean a typical person eating much less meat and much more fruits and vegetables. The second thing I really want to stress is that these plant-rich diets are associated with pretty large increases in health outcomes. While for this paper we focused on climate, plant-rich diets have enormous co-benefits.
Let’s talk about another lever for reducing food system emissions; what you and your co-authors call “healthy calories.”
Approximately half the global adult population is eating too much or not enough. In certain countries the figures are even more extreme. For my co-authors and me, the healthy diet lever means—independent of a plant-rich diet—what proportion of calories are coming from fruit, vegetables, and other healthy sources of calories. We know that so many people are not getting the right amounts of food for a healthy diet. Similar to the plant-rich lever, this means in some places, eating a lot less, in other places, it will mean people eating more [healthy foods].
Food waste has gotten a lot more attention in the past few years—in part, I think, because the percent of food that is wasted is so high and because addressing food waste feels so doable.
Yes, it’s pretty shocking: About one-third of all food that is produced remains uneaten, ether because it’s thrown away, rots, or otherwise doesn’t get to the people who want to eat it. The sources differ widely by country, sometimes it’s a lack of refrigeration, lack of storage, grain silos, and so on. In the United States, a family of four wastes on average $1,600 worth of produce a year. That’s a pretty big incentive to act.
It always surprises people that if the emissions associated with food loss were a country, it would be the third largest emitter in the world.
Let’s talk about what you are seeing in terms of policy responses.
One of the joys and complications of working on a global study is that the policy responses are going to look very different wherever you are. We talked earlier about the climate impacts of nitrogen fertilizer use. One policy that has really been effective has been the 1991 European Union Nitrates Directive. Now, when it was passed, it was designed to reduce nitrogen runoff because agricultural sources of runoff were one of the main causes of water pollution in Europe. Since then, fertilizer applications per hectare have decreased by about half, yet crop yields have continued to increase as they were before. It’s just one example of a relatively large geographically scaled policy that is working. While it wasn’t specifically designed to address emissions, it most certainly has had emissions benefits.
We can look at farmers choosing different production pathways. Like in some cases adding more crop rotations into their planning or using agroecological approaches, such as planting hedgerows, agroforestry, and more. Honestly, there really is a huge amount that can be done. But it’s important to stress that no single action is going to solve the problem.
One of the big food-climate debates is about soil carbon sequestration and livestock. What do you think about those who argue for livestock’s ability to rehabilitate soils?
We know for sure we can be doing a lot better in terms of soil carbon storage. And we are seeing incredible results from a range of strategies, like some I mentioned: planting cover crops, intercropping, and silvopasture, planting hedges between fields that can prevent soil loss—and more. All of these can help sequester more carbon in the soil, but I think the key message should be: Soil carbon sequestration is part of the solution, but it isn’t the only solution.
Now, for the debate about cows! The instances where I’ve seen cows or other ruminants’ potential to be net negative in terms of greenhouse gas emissions—after accounting for methane emissions—is over short timescales, in certain conditions, on previously degraded land. So, yes, it may be possible for cows to play a helpful role, but in a limited way. How the cows are raised matters; but how many cows you’re raising matters more.
Do you feel like any parts of your paper have been misunderstood as this complex story gets translated for the general public?
I actually think the coverage has been good. There are basically three main points and I think the media has been capturing them well: One, food matters to climate and if we continue eating the way we are, it will result in catastrophic climate change; two, there is a lot we can do; third, everyone has a role to play—consumers, businesses, food processors, everyone.
I know one question those who work on climate often gets asked is, “Are you optimistic or pessimistic?”—but, I feel I should ask the same of you.
I’m laughing because it’s an uncomfortable question to answer. We are starting to move in the right direction, but honestly, we’re not moving anywhere close to as fast as we need to. We need to start acting now. It would have been great to have made these changes years ago, but we didn’t.
Right. As they say, the best time to plant a tree was 10 years ago. The second best time is today.
Exactly.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
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]]>Civil Eats recently spoke with one of the lead authors, Francisco Sánchez-Bayo of the University of Sydney, about the implications of these findings, the underreported connection to agriculture, and what we can do about it.
While the story of environmental collapse, particularly climate change, has focused on species other than humans, it has been focused mainly on the fate of “charismatic megafauna” such as the iconic polar bear. Can you explain more about why your findings about insects, animals that often fly under the radar, are so significant?
We don’t always appreciate insects. They’re small, many are perceived as a nuisance. But their role in an ecosystem is essential; a large proportion of vertebrates depend on insects for food. To put it bluntly, most vertebrates on the planet would not be here if it weren’t for insects. There’s also the function they play in aquatic systems: Insects help purify and aerate water. Together with micro-organisms and worms, they’re vital to soil health. It’s important to realize that insects essential. If we remove them, we disrupt all life on the planet.
What surprised or alarmed you most about these findings?
When we first started, we expected to see declines. We knew that from the start. I have been following the fate of bees for years and I knew that we were seeing significant declines. We had also come across a few studies on butterflies from as far back as 20 years ago that portended decline. But what surprised us was the numbers: One-third of insects are endangered. And it’s not just butterflies and bees; it’s all groups. It’s particularly [alarming] for aquatic insects and specific groups like the dung beetles.
You compiled data from more than 70 studies around the world, and you noted that most of the data in your studies came from the global North. How confident are you that this sampling is representative of global insect decline?
We looked at 73 studies, and we are now including three more that were brought to our attention since we published our first article. The fact that most of these studies are from the Northern Hemisphere is undeniable: We were looking for long-term trends, in particular, and only Europe and North America have records that go back 100 years or more.
Unfortunately, countries with the largest biodiversity—China, Brazil, Australia, for example—don’t have good studies we could rely on. There were none in China and Australia, and only one from Brazil. But the 20 percent of studies that came from regions beyond North America and Europe, Central America, Southeast Asia, etc., all showed the same problems. And the drivers of this decline are common to all these countries no matter what region we’re talking about.
Can you say more about those drivers?
It’s a combination of habitat loss, pollution, biological factors, and climate change. But if you go deeper, you realize that the biggest drivers—habitat loss and pollution—are jointly found in agriculture expansion. So, without a doubt, agriculture is the main driver of the decline of insects, more than all the other factors combined.
What has been the response from your peers?
We’ve received hundreds of emails, saying essentially, “Yes, you are right.” Some publications have criticized us for being alarmist. We only use the word “catastrophic” once, and we use it very carefully. We chose that word deliberately: If 30 percent of insects, the largest group of animals on Earth, are in danger, that is catastrophic. Damage from a tropical cyclone can be characterized as catastrophic, but that is localized. This is global. This is a true catastrophe.
The paper points very clearly to the damaging impacts of agricultural chemicals around the world; considering that, what has the reaction been from the chemical industry?
We haven’t had much pushback. I received one email from someone from a chemical company. He was very polite, but said that I was unfairly blaming pesticides. [He pointed out that] there are other causes: light pollution, for instance. I demonstrated he was partially right, but mostly wrong. The fact that we point to agriculture as the main culprit and to pesticides as one of the main factors is based on the evidence, examples from the literature. Understand that our study is not an experimental study that can be subject to criticism or misinterpretation. It is based on actual numbers derived from 73 studies all over the world over 30 years. If that’s not evidence enough, then tell me what is?
Let’s talk about the pesticides that you flagged as most concerning: neonicotinoids [also known by the shorthand “neonics”] and fipronil. Why are these particularly worrisome?
These insecticides have been introduced in last 25-30 years and there are features that make them different from older chemicals. First, they’re extremely toxic, particularly fipronil: it’s the most toxic ever produced to all insects and to many other organisms. Neonics are also highly toxic. They’re also soluble in water. So when they’re applied, they don’t just stay in the place you spray or in the soil. When you get that first rainwater, they go everywhere.
Because they’re soluble, they thought they could be used as systemic pesticides that you would apply at the time of planting and because there would be no drift, there would be less impact on the environment. But the risk of drift is minimal compared with the risk to insects in water: Residues from these insecticides flow into the rivers and streams and go out the sea. We know that the waters in North America are completely contaminated with neonics and the same is true in Japan, Canada, and in many other places. All the insects in these waterways are rapidly disappearing.
These insecticides have a delayed and long-term effect, which is not well understood by the authorities that regulate them. When you apply them, they eliminate certain species, which never recover—particularly species with a long life-cycle, like dragonflies. These are the insects we’re seeing disappear the quickest. These insecticides are also causing havoc among pollinators.
With many companies using these insecticides as coating on seeds—corn or oilseed rape [canola], sunflower crops, or soya beans in North America—this problem is only getting worse. And it goes against all principles of IPM [integrated pest management]. You’re using these on all seeds. When there is no evidence that there is even a pest problem, why should a whole field be contaminated? This makes no sense from a pest control and management perspective and it makes no economic sense, either.
Then there’s the basic question: What’s the point of using them? They say they boost productivity but recent studies out of the EU show that there is no gain in yield by using neonics. We are using massively enormous amounts of this insecticide for no gain whatsoever.
The EU has evaluated this and determined that coating seeds with these insecticides should be banned. These insecticides should be used only when needed, when there is a problem. The current approach—to use on all the crops, all the time, year after year—makes no sense from any perspective.
What about herbicides? You note that they’re not as toxic to insects, but they’re also really damaging.
Yes, we could have written much more about that. We were particularly struck by the studies showing the impact on wetlands. About half of all herbicides are water soluble, so they end up in wetlands and eliminate many weeds, which are an important food and breeding ground for insects.
What about the speed of decline?
Most of the declines have occurred in the last 30 years. We know that the sales of pesticides worldwide have increased exponentially in that period, mostly in underdeveloped countries in tropical areas where they spray with no controls whatsoever. Increasingly, many departments of agriculture are cutting back on the number of personnel dedicated to advising farmers on growing practices, known as extension officers. As a result, farmers don’t have pest management advice from anyone with expertise. So where do they get the advice? From chemical companies. They’re told if you have a problem, just apply this or that product. This is one reason pesticide sales have increased.
I recently met two entomologists from Oaxaca who expressed their dismay that the most recent annual meeting for professionals in their field they attended had been sponsored by Bayer, one of the largest makers of chemical pesticides in the world.
I’m not surprised. That happens everywhere.
Your study’s findings are sobering and alarming. It left me wondering, what do you think can be done to avert this impending insect apocalypse?
Farmers can adopt different pest-management practices. The key is to apply practical and effective solutions to eliminate pesticide use and also restore habitat across farmland. That can be done through farmer education and through policy. Governments can give incentives for using IPM to change the paradigm: Pesticides should be the tool of last resort. At the moment, many countries encourage the use of pesticides. That has to stop. Why don’t they do the same thing with IPM? Say to the farmers, “we’ll give you a tax rebate if you use less pesticides.”
I also think banning products in some cases makes sense. Certain compounds, like DDT, should be banned for agricultural use, even if it’s still allowed in certain tropical countries to control malaria. If we took the time to educate farmers and put sensible practices into place to produce food without dependence on chemicals, the whole thing would change overnight.
I would encourage everyone to read the conclusions in the paper: we cannot have monocultures covering hundreds of square miles. We have to plant trees and other habitats for insects. Biodiversity is the only thing that will help crops be resilient and sustainable in the long term and keep balance in the soil. When we [grow diverse crops], we can reverse this trend, but that means taking on a system completely dominated by chemical corporations.
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length.
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]]>June 24, 2020 update: Bayer has agreed to pay $10 billion to settle tens of thousands of cases in the United States that claim glyphosate, the primary ingredient in its Roundup herbicide, caused cancer in people who sprayed the chemical or lived and worked near where the chemical was sprayed.
A San Francisco jury has ruled in the first court case against the chemical company Monsanto, finding that its signature products, glyphosate-based herbicides Roundup and Ranger Pro, are associated with non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma—and that the company acted with malice and negligence in failing to warn consumers. They awarded the plaintiff, 46-year old Dewayne “Lee” Johnson, $39.2 million in compensatory damages and $250 million in punitive damages.
This is a huge win for those who have been sounding the alarm about the dangers of these widely used herbicide products for years. This is also a huge hit to Monsanto: the majority of its $14.6 billion in annual sales come from herbicides containing glyphosate and seeds genetically engineered to withstand those herbicides. This is the first case to challenge the chemical behemoth (which was recently acquired by Bayer Chemical) about its weed-killers, but it won’t be the last: There are more than 4,000 other plaintiffs waiting in the wings.
I attended the closing arguments of the trial and I couldn’t stop watching Johnson, with his back to the public seating and his broad shoulders pressed against his dark-blue fitted suit. Johnson sat still as his lawyer described his cancer as a “death sentence.” His trial had been expedited because these would be his last weeks, possibly months — or by some miracle, years — on the planet.
I thought about the photographs we were shown of his cancerous lesions and how, under that suit, his skin was rubbed raw. I thought about his three sons. I thought about his wife who, we heard, couldn’t be present in court because she was at working 14-hour days, unable to get a paid day off and unable to miss work because the family has bills to pay. And I thought about my own family’s fights with cancer and my father’s death sentence: a diagnosis of glioblastoma at age 61 and the nine months he lived, in deteriorating health, as his cancerous brain tumor grew.
With cancer you always ask: Why? With that question comes the challenge of connecting any one cancer irrefutably to any one chemical exposure. In my father’s case, we speculated: was it the formaldehyde he had used in his lab?
Overwhelming Evidence
In Johnson’s case, his lawyers argued that the Roundup and Ranger Pro—proprietary mixtures of glyphosate and other toxic ingredients —he had used while working as a groundskeeper at a San Francisco Bay Area school was a substantial factor in his non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. In the course of his job, he would disperse upwards of 150 gallons a day during the spraying season. His lawyers argued that Johnson was exposed multiple times over the years he worked there, particularly when his sprayer malfunctioned and he was soaked with the herbicide and when his backpack applicator leaked, dripping it down his back.
Monsanto’s lawyers claimed, not surprisingly, that they were wrong.
Over the course of the trial, Johnson’s lawyers worked to explain complicated stuff: the epidemiology, toxicology, and mechanism of the carcinogenicity of the products. The plaintiff’s lawyers had on their side reams of evidence, including the International Agency on Cancer Research’s (IARC) 2015 determination that glyphosate was a probable human carcinogen.
To argue the case, Johnson’s lawyers had to present this complex science to a jury made up of everyday people. But unlike you and me, the jury had to process what they heard and make a judgment without doing any research on their own, discussing the case with anyone they knew, or digging into any of the evidence outside of the courtroom. And they had to do so with limitations of what they could learn about the case in that courtroom.
The judge had ruled as inadmissible, for instance, the fact that the California EPA follows the assignations of IARC’s rulings. In other words, this California-based jury had no idea that after the IARC classification that glyphosate is a probable carcinogen, the state’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment had demanded cancer warnings be placed on Monsanto’s glyphosate products sold in the state. (Implementation is tied up in the courts, as Monsanto sued to block the warnings). So when the Monsanto lawyer claimed in closing arguments that “no one has said that glyphosate should carry a cancer warning except plaintiff’s lawyers,” it was, to put it generously, a “slippery comment” as journalist and glyphosate expert Carey Gillam noted. (To put it plainly, it was a lie.)
Johnson’s lawyer argued that it was exposure to formulated product—glyphosate plus much more—that was the precipitating factor in his cancer. But the judge had struck from the record, after Monsanto petitioned the court, the witness commentary that referred to the decision by European regulators to demand Monsanto change its formulations for the herbicide sold. The European Food Safety Authority was particularly concerned with the ingredient polyethoxylated tallow amine (or POEA); it is now banned in glyphosate formulations there.
Similarly, the jury also wasn’t given an opportunity to peruse for themselves all of the pages of court documents to understand how the company has worked to obfuscate the science and instill doubt about the IARC ruling.
The jury also had no chance to learn that George Lombardi, counsel for Monsanto, has been defending the tobacco industry in court for years. Lombardi’s bio boasts that he “has secured numerous victories for client Philip Morris (PM) in its ongoing tobacco litigation cases.” Would the jury have been less inclined to trust Lombardi’s judgment about cancer and risk if they knew he defended Philip Morris for misleading consumers about the safety of Marlboro Lights in a massive class action lawsuit in Missouri?
The tobacco industry has known for decades that light cigarettes are no safer and that smokers assume otherwise, exploiting these two facts to market light cigarettes on safety claims. Yet Lombardi helped defeat the class action, saving Philip Morris a potential $1.8 billion claim. Today, more than 11,000 people die every year in Missouri from tobacco-related illnesses or second-hand smoke.
On the conclusion of closing arguments, the jury adjourned. It was nearly three days before they reached the verdict. And despite all of these limitations to the information they could access, the jury ruled unanimously on behalf of Johnson—on every single count.
Shifting Sands
Chemical pesticides have been in use since the end of World War II, and we have learned a number of lessons in that time: Chemicals that we thought (and were told) were perfectly safe have been found to be profoundly damaging to the birds and bees — and to us.
The insecticide chlorpyrifos, for instance, developed as a Nazi nerve gas, was promoted in the post-war period as an effective pesticide to kill cockroaches and other indoor pests and to stave off insects on farmland. It was not until 2000 that the evidence had piled high enough to show the brain-damaging properties of this insecticide, and advocates pushed hard enough to overcome industry lobbying, to pass an indoor ban. Another nearly 20 years have passed and we are still fighting over chlorpyrifos.
Hawaii was the first to pass a state-wide ban on chlorpyrifos in June and, just last week, the 9th Circuit Court ruled that the EPA must heed its own science and ban the insecticide as well. Now we know glyphosate formulations, which had been promoted as perfectly safe for human health for years, is irrefutably linked to non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. At the press conference after the ruling, Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., attorney of counsel Baum Hedlund, who tried the case, noted that “Monsanto has other problems.” The science on these glyphosate formulations is “cascading” with increasing evidence that these products may also be associated liver cancer and endocrine disruption, he added.
We’ve also learned that many of the companies that produce the chemicals we interact with daily have suppressed data, manipulated science, and lied to regulators. It has been reported that Dupont, for example, knew about the toxicity in the chemicals used in its Teflon products, but marketed the products as safe nonetheless. It has also been shown that Monsanto well knew the impacts of its PCBs and fought communities in court for years before settling lawsuits worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Now we know, through this case’s discovery process, that Monsanto has done all of this to keep its glyphosate products on the market. At that same press conference, Johnson’s lawyers noted that they were only able to use a fraction of the evidence against Monsanto in this trial. But more will likely come out in the proceeding cases.
We have been witness to this decades-long history of chemical companies dismissing the science about the human and environmental harm of specific chemicals — sometimes for years, sometimes for decades — all while their products remain in use.
My father died of cancer 13 years ago and I still think about him nearly every day. When Dewayne Johnson dies, he too will live on through his children. The tragedy for Johnson and his family is that it didn’t have to be this way. As his lawyer stated in his closing remarks, Monsanto had a choice: a choice to warn consumers about the cancer risk, a choice to undertake the studies that its own scientists recommended, and a choice not to mislead the public by ghostwriting literature that pushed the narrative of safety. The company now faces the choice to accept this unanimous verdict, take responsibility, and take action to protect others from harm. With their declaration to appeal the verdict, that seems to be another choice they are not making.
This ruling won’t reverse Johnson’s fate. But it may give his sons some solace, knowing that the company may yet be held to account for their loss. And it should give them pride knowing that their father’s case is moving us one step further toward warning communities about this threat and removing these weed-killers from the marketplace altogether.
A version of this post ran on Medium.
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]]>The post Eating on the Brink: How Food Could Prevent a Climate Disaster appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>What we eat is responsible for a whopping one-third of all atmospheric warming today. Global meat and dairy production together accounts for roughly 15 percent of total greenhouse gas emissions, making the livestock industry worse for the climate than every one of the world’s planes, trains, and cars combined.
At the meetings, Christine Figueres, who led the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, reminded us that climate stability requires limiting warming to under 1.5 degrees Celsius. To do that, we need to start reversing current emissions trajectory, start a downward turn, by 2020. Yes, 2020. That means engaging every sector, food included.
“We must all swallow the alarm clock,” Figueres said. “We cannot give it to the next generation. We must solve this.”
You might be thinking, “But we have to eat. We don’t have a choice the way we do for (ahem) flights to Paris.” Except we do. If we’re lucky, we choose what we eat three times a day. And we make choices as societies all the time when we decide what research to fund, which farms to subsidize, and what foods to serve in our schools and institutions.
So how do we change food and farming to help prevent catastrophic climate change? First, we need an absolute reduction in methane and nitrous oxide—gases with as much as 298 and 36 times the heat trapping power of carbon dioxide respectively—and food is key. To do this, we’ll have to slow, then reverse, the spread of the industrial livestock model into new markets around the globe.
We’ll also have to halt the growing demand for meat and dairy that’s sending soy for feed production soaring. And, we’ll need to dramatically reduce industrial farms’ use of synthetic fertilizers, the overuse of which releases significant nitrous oxide into the atmosphere.
We also must stop agribusiness from encroaching on forests and carbon-rich peatland, as it is with palm plantations in Indonesia and Malaysia. As the processed foods industry increasingly turns to this relatively cheap palm oil, production is rising. Palm oil is now nearly ubiquitous in cookies, granola bars, and other processed foods. (Like your peanut butter pre-mixed? Thank palm oil). We need to reduce demand—for us consumers that means going for less processed fare—and call on suppliers to source only from sustainably harvested palm.
Christine Figueres noted that we also must also cut—by half—the amount of food we waste, which stands at a staggering 30 to 50 percent globally. This means those emissions associated with wasted food are contributing to the climate crisis while conferring no social benefit, but it also means food is adding up in landfills, where as it decomposes converts to the powerful greenhouse gas methane.
In fact, food is the single largest component of solid waste found in municipal landfills, according to the NRDC. That means addressing waste at home, ensuring that farmers have access to markets, and ending our obsession with picture-perfect produce. Like the recent consumer campaign launched in France says, we need to embrace fruits et légumes moches.
And, we’ll need to manage farm and ranchland to maintain carbon in the soils. “Carbon is like real estate,” Figueres said. “It’s all about location, location, location. Carbon in the atmosphere is your enemy. Carbon in the soil is your friend.” At the meetings outside of Paris, experts shared research on how agroecological farming practices and managed grazing can promote greater soil organic matter, AKA carbon, and how these practices might enable us to sequester a significant portion of atmospheric carbon, especially in the short term, when we need it most.
At the heart of these solutions are farmers. By 2050, there will be 750 million peasant farmers—and they’re vital to securing a resilient food supply and ensuring that we store carbon in our soils, stressed Dr. Sonja Vermeulen, a leading food and climate expert who spoke at the summit.
I also met with Elizabeth Mpofo, the international coordinator of the global peasant movement, La Via Campesina. With 164 member organizations worldwide, La Via Campesina’s 200 million members are on the frontlines of the fight against catastrophic climate change. As Mpofo reminded us, we can’t have a sustainable food system without small-holder farmers.
Protecting indigenous communities is also key. Phrang Roy of the Indigenous Platform for AgroBiodiversity, who I also interviewed, has said, “Seventy-five percent of the world’s biodiversity today is located on indigenous people’s lands… The loss of this land could mean the loss of planet Earth as we know it.”
Meanwhile, those of us living in the United States and much of the industrialized world must radically change our diets, shifting away from diets filled with processed foods and loaded with industrial meat products toward whole foods and plant-centered fare. For those who eat meat, it means eating less and better: grass-fed beef, for instance, and organic-certified poultry and pork.
And so, there is a kind of glorious coincidence: Every one of the bold actions around food is also a step forward for farmers, communities and our health. Oh, and these changes can be delicious, too!
Today, the global food sector is an extractive industry destroying forests to make way for commodities (think: corn, soy, and palm fruit) plantations. It relies on polluting natural gas or gasifying coal to generate nitrogenous fertilizer. It devastates topsoil and dries up aquifers—irreplaceable in our lifetimes. Instead, we need a regenerative food system—and we already know many of the pathways to get us there.
Thankfully, this message is resonating. Ten years ago, when I was starting to report on my book Diet for a Hot Planet: The Climate Crisis at the End of Your Fork, I found virtually no food advocacy groups running a major climate campaign and few environmental groups turning their attention to agribusiness. Now, many are.
Ten years ago, policy responses to food’s impact on climate were barely a blip on the radar. Today, there are groups like California Climate and Agriculture Network that has real policy in play to encourage farmers to embrace more climate-friendly practices. And at the last climate negotiations in Paris, 38 countries and provinces signed the “4 per 1,000” commitment to increase soil fertility through a focus on carbon sequestration in soils.
Summits like the ones I attended near Paris are bringing experts together to explore real action; global leaders are taking note. In President Obama’s first public presentation abroad since leaving office, his remarks zeroed in on how food will be impacted by climate change and how agriculture contributes to the crisis, noting the sector is the second-largest contributor to emissions after energy—and those emissions are going up. And this week, I joined with more than 200 others to co-sign a letter published in The Lancet calling on the World Health Organization to confront factory farming.
I’m heartened. I am also frustrated to the bone. We don’t have the luxury of time. To date, the major global climate negotiations—known as COPs—have largely ignored tackling food sector emissions. The next COP will take place in Bonn, Germany this November. Hopefully, food will finally be on the menu. It has to be. The clock is ticking.
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]]>This year, Big Soda spent nearly $39 million to stop taxes on sugary beverages in five U.S. cities. They filled mailboxes and flooded the airways with misleading ads, they engaged lawyers in legal battles, and padded the pockets of local progressives to try to turn them against the tax all to convince people to vote against a penny per fluid ounce tax—in the case of Boulder, Colorado, a two-cent per fluid ounce tax—on the distributors of sugar-sweetened beverages.
But it’s too late: The cultural tipping point on soda is already here. Philadelphia passed a tax in June. And yesterday, three Northern California cities—San Francisco, Oakland, and Albany, which borders Berkeley to the north—and Boulder all passed taxes with sizable margins.
“Despite the billions spent on marketing and more than $30 million in deceitful campaign ads, voters saw the truth and sent a clear message that their families’ health comes first,” said Jim Krieger of Healthy Food America.
These wins are proof that the conversation about soda is changing. It’s a conversation backed by solid science. We now know that liquid sugar is the single largest source of added sugars in our diets and is a leading cause of heart disease, liver disease, and Type 2 diabetes. We know regularly consuming just one or two sugary drinks a day will increase your risk of developing Type 2 diabetes. Soda and other sweet beverages are also the main cause of cavities and dental decay. What’s more, consuming liquid sugar doesn’t send the same signals of fullness to our minds, so we don’t register these drinks’ calories in the same way we do as when we eat calories.
With these wins, ballot measures taking on soda taxes could be “the new normal for Big Soda,” said Michael Jacobson of the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI) in a statement. Today, Cook County, Illinois, home to Chicago, will vote on a similar tax on sugary drinks; other municipalities nationwide are exploring soda tax ballot measures as well. [Editor’s note: Cook County, with 5.2 million residents, today became the largest region in the nation to put in place a soda tax.]
In its recent Commission on Ending Childhood Obesity, the World Health Organization (WHO)’s clearest recommendation was for governments to implement a tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. As Dr. Margaret Chan, director of the WHO, said in a speech last month, “Diabetes is one of the biggest global health crises of the 21st century … The interest of the public must be prioritized over those of corporations.”
While some of the research is still taking shape around the benefits of soda taxes, we know they work for several reasons: First, they decrease consumption, which translates into lives saved and health care costs diverted. In Mexico, where a soda tax passed in 2014, consumption dropped by 12 percent in the first year.
They also help raise awareness about the harms of these products, including energy drinks and “flavored waters,” like VitaminWater. Many of these drinks have just as much sugar as a classic soda or more. For instance, a 20-ounce Power-C Vitamin Water contains 32 grams of sugar, nearly as much as a 12-ounce Coke. Meanwhile, an Orange-Mango Nantucket Nectar has 58 grams of sugar and an Odwalla Vanilla Protein Shake has 43 grams. (To put those figures in perspective, the American Heart Association recommends that women consume 24 grams of added sugar a day.)
Another reason soda taxes work is because they raise revenue that can tip the scale back toward health equity. Berkeley’s soda tax revenue has topped $1.4 million a year and is funding programs like a popular gardening program in the city’s public schools, hydration stations at the public high school, and health outreach in communities of color, where diabetes rates are the highest.
Research from Healthy Food America estimates that the three soda taxes in the Bay Area will raise $22 million annually for health programs and diabetes prevention. In Boulder, the soda tax there will dedicate revenue raised to address health inequities, including helping to make clean water, healthy food, and sports accessible and affordable for the people who can least afford it.
But while these taxes are proving to be popular with voters, the battle over soda taxes has also revealed that Big Soda will pull out all the stops to thwart them. All told, since 2009, Big Soda has spent $94 million fighting these taxes and other measures to decrease soda consumption, according to CSPI. As New York University nutrition professor and author Marion Nestle explains in her latest book, Soda Politics, these companies are taking a page out of Big Tobacco’s playbook. The soda industry is fighting hard against any regulation, whether limits to marketing to kids, warning labels on sugary drinks, or taxes popping up worldwide.
In leaked internal strategy documents from Coca-Cola Europe, for example, that soda taxes are the policy that would have the biggest impact on their sales and were the most likely to materialize. There’s little doubt of similar projections in North America.
Two years ago, when Berkeley became the first American city to pass a soda tax, the industry portrayed the win as an aberration. Those of us following the movement nationally believed it was a bellwether. We were right. We’ll have to wait and see whether under the Trump presidency there are attempts to preempt any of these policies. But in the meantime, there are more soda tax battles on the horizon.
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]]>The post Are Fertilizer Explosions Just Another Cost of Doing Business for Big Ag? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>We’ve long heard from proponents of industrial agriculture—and the synthetic fertilizer industry driving it—that we need these products to feed the world. But is the risk of another West, Texas the price we have to pay for a well-fed world? More and more scientists have uncovered data that suggests it’s not.
Take the recent study lead by Professor John Reganold at Washington State University (WSU). In a first-of-its kind effort, researchers there have analyzed studies covering 40 years of data comparing the “long-term prospects” of organic and chemical farming. In a peer-reviewed article released last month in Nature, Reganold and his team made a strong endorsement of organic farming.
They wrote: “Organic agriculture is a relatively untapped resource for feeding the Earth’s population, especially in the face of climate change and other global challenges.” Organic systems are especially compelling, the authors note, when considering not only productivity, but also the environment, economics, and community well-being—the four pillars of sustainability.
What’s perhaps most important to note about these findings is what they tell us about feeding our growing population. Researchers looking narrowly at yield-to-yield comparisons found that organic production systems have lagged behind those of chemical ones in most cases. But that science was based on historic data.
And we can safely say the climate of 10 or 20 years ago is not the climate of today. With climate change will come greater extremes in weather and temperature—from droughts and floods, to unusual heat waves and cold snaps. And Reganold and his team found ample evidence that organic production fares better during these extreme conditions.
For one, the WSU study found that organic agriculture had yielded more food “in severe drought conditions.” This was the case in large part because of the “the higher water-holding capacity of organically farmed soils.” The authors also note that organic farms “consistently have greater soil carbon levels, better soil quality, and less soil erosion compared with conventional systems” and they can withstand flooding better as a result. Organic farming production is also generally more energy-efficient, the researchers found.
Keep in mind that the historic yield performance of organic systems is also a reflection of the knowledge and seed varietals of the past. Innovations in organic farming are ongoing and will certainly increase the performance of future organic farmers. Only a fraction of agricultural research worldwide goes toward organic agriculture. Investing in this research would reduce the yield gap.
The WSU team also notes that those comparing these farming systems should take into account the other costs of chemical farming, including the ones beyond the “field boundaries.” Biodiversity loss, environmental degradation, and water and air pollution are all associated with conventional farming systems, but are often not accounted for in the studies they reviewed.
What else is beyond those “field boundaries?” The industrial fertilizer supply chain. Widen the lens and you end up in places like West, Texas or any of the other 1,300 facilities that house potentially explosive chemical fertilizer components. Widen the lens even further and you end up at the industrial operations of BASF, Dupont, or other agricultural chemical producers. Places like Midland, Michigan, where Dow Chemical manufacturing has generated the highest levels of dioxin ever detected in waterways in the United States.
These manufacturers have a powerful voice on Capitol Hill. Trade groups like the Fertilizer Institute, whose mission is to “protect, promote and represent the fertilizer industry from the point of production to the point of use,” lobby to promote the industry’s interest in the Halls of Congress. In 2015, the Fertilizer Institute alone had a lobbying budget of more than $8 million.
The political influence of Koch Industries is also well documented, with millions spent to protect its business interests; Koch Fertilizer manufactures and distributes more than 13 million tons of nitrogen, phosphate, potash, and sulphur-based products through 90 facilities at locations across the United States and around the world.
Meanwhile the citizens of places like West, Texas don’t have well-paid lobbyists to defend their interests.
Nationwide, communities are at risk from an industrial accident at a fertilizer production facility. And countless other communities are affected by the industrial food supply chain, from Midland, Michigan to the many communities in the shadow of chemical manufacturing plants nationwide. But research like WSU’s recent survey of studies offers a clear reminder that it doesn’t have to be this way. We can feed the world without having to resort to risky agricultural practices and potentially explosive inputs.
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]]>The post Eric Schlosser on the People Behind Our Food appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Schlosser eventually found a publisher willing to take the leap and today, 15 years and more than two million copies later, Fast Food Nation has proven that there’s an appetite for powerful investigative reporting about the journey our food takes to get to our plates.
Schlosser, who has since published three nonfiction books and has been working on a book about the American prison system for over a decade, remains connected to the food world. He continues to speak on the issue, and just last year he served as an executive producer of the documentaries Food Chains and Hannah Ranch.
I spoke with Schlosser recently by phone about food workers and the movement for fairness in the food chain. Tonight, he will join Joann Lo from the Food Chain Workers Alliance and food worker leaders in a conversation as part of the Voices of the Food Chain launch at the David Brower Center in Berkeley, California.
You’ve spent a lot of your career focused on labor issues. Is there one front where you feel like food workers are winning? Alternately, where are they losing?
I got involved with labor issues in the food system in 1994—that was my introduction to America’s industrialized food system. That was when I followed workers through the strawberry harvest in California. It was my interest in labor issues that lead me to write Fast Food Nation a few years later.
I’m most encouraged by the victories of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) in Florida. Because as bad as things were in the strawberry fields of California, what’s been going on in Florida is as bad as anywhere in the United States in terms of the low wages and working conditions, including sexual harassment, and even slavery, in Central Florida.
The ability of this one small farmworker organization to force the food corporations of the U.S. to adopt an enforceable code of conduct has been amazing and encouraging to watch. The CIW is incredibly disciplined, sticks to the facts, and is willing to tolerate defeat after defeat in order to eventually gain victory.
What I am most discouraged about is the exploitation of meat packing workers. I’ve seen no improvement whatsoever in the years since Fast Food Nation came out: the job is much more dangerous. The crackdown on immigrants in the U.S. has only made it more difficult and has only increased the risks for those immigrant workers who want to speak out and protest those conditions.
Why do you think the CIW has been effective in securing victories when other farmworker organizing has not?
I think the CIW recognized how the power structure has changed in American agriculture in the last 30 years. In the era of Cesar Chavez, there was effective organizing against the growers, but in the 21st Century, the real power lies with the multinational corporations which are purchasing these commodities. The growers are increasingly trapped and squeezed by this system as well.
The thing about a right-to-work state like Florida is that it doesn’t have a great tradition of labor unions; the CIW was in a very difficult position in trying to figure out how to help these poor workers. So instead of creating a union—which has become all the more difficult because of the large proportion of immigrant workers in agriculture and the fear that some of these immigrants have of being deported—the CIW decided to go after those with the greatest power: Burger King, McDonalds, Walmart. They have succeeded in a way that other worker groups and other industries can now emulate.
Thirteen years went by between the CIW’s launch of its Campaign for Fair Food and Walmart’s decision to sign on to their Fair Food Program in 2014. And their code of conduct only protects relatively few farmworkers. What do you say to those who say that was a lot of work for not much change?
Well, change has to begin somewhere. Ideally, you’d have the U.S. government on the side of farmworkers simply enforcing the labor laws that exist, increasing the minimum wage, penalizing growers who are engaged in wage theft and companies that are connected to wage theft and minimum wage violations, etc. But in the absence of this, communities are going to have to do it. You can see the triumph of the CIW as a form of community organizing and there’s no reason why communities throughout the U.S. can’t do the same sort of thing.
You have said: “One of the problems with our food system … is it’s ultimately based on the exploitation of poor workers, mainly recent immigrants.” How do you respond to people who say paying food workers fair wages will result in food that is priced out of reach for most Americans?
Well there are two answers: We’re paying the price for this food anyway, it’s just that the price isn’t reflected at the checkout stand. The cost of having this inequality and poverty in our midst is huge. We’re paying for it—not just in quality of life—but in all kinds of services that state and local governments and the federal government have to provide. So this is a way for the agricultural industry to shift its external costs on to the rest of society.
When I did my investigation of the exploitation of farmworkers in the U.S., and did a rough calculation of what it would cost to provide a decent income to every farmworker in the country, I found it would increase the annual food bill of a typical American family by between $35 and $50 a year. So for less than it costs a family of four to go to the movies and buy popcorn, you could eliminate poverty among migrant farmworkers. It’s a solvable problem.
How would you define today’s food movement? Where are you seeing the movement flexing its muscle or having an impact?
The food movement I’m proud of is a subset of a larger movement for social justice in this country. The food movement that is about status—about finding narrow distinctions between olive oils and one-upping one another with obscure ingredients or the latest trend in restaurants—I have absolutely no interest in whatsoever.
I really liked the proposed national food policy Mark Bittman and others put together. I have profound admiration for the success of the CIW. And I have profound admiration as well for Alice Waters and the Edible Schoolyard and the movement to bring nutrition into the classrooms of the U.S. in a way that is tangible and meaningful. There are so many people whose work I really admire.
What is missing in our national discussion about food?
I think one of the issues that isn’t discussed enough in the context of our food system is racism. I think racism plays a central role in the exploitation of workers throughout the food system. It’s an unpleasant topic, but I think it’s one that we all have to confront to understand why things are as bad as they are at the moment.
The greatest outcry about the exploitation of farmworkers in the U.S. occurred during the only decade in the last century in which most of our farmworkers were white. After the publication of The Grapes of Wrath and the powerful photographs of the farmworkers in California in the Great Depression, there was enormous interest in the plight of farmworkers. But that was really an anomaly. For more than a century, the people who have harvested our food have belonged to racial and ethnic minorities.
When you look at the United States right now, in meatpacking, in farm labor, increasingly in the restaurant industry, you see people of color—and that’s one of the reasons why this society is abusing and exploiting them. That’s a major issue that we need to address. These are the people who feed us.
What do you think of the new, somewhat stricter pesticide exposure regulations the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency just passed?
The pesticide regulations to protect farmworkers are absolutely essential. One of the main reasons to eat organic is not because there may be some minor pesticide residue on the food that will harm you, but because farmworkers are being poisoned on a monumental scale. There are thousands of injuries each year due to overexposure to pesticides.
Having the regulations in place is terrific. What’s even more important is enforcement. So many of the consequences of pesticide exposure aren’t apparent for years afterwards. People shouldn’t be poisoned in order to feed us.
Next week is International Food Worker Week. Do you have any suggestions about how readers can help support food workers?
The most important thing we can do is increase the minimum wage so it’s a living wage. Restaurant workers, migrant farmworkers will be helped enormously by this and other low-wage workers throughout the economy will as well. All the wages at the bottom will go up if the minimum wage is increased to $12 or $15 an hour.
Secondly, educate yourself and, to the degree you can, buy food from companies that are treating workers well. Help boycott companies that are treating workers poorly.
The last thing is fight against the demonization of immigrants in this country. Speak out against the demagogues who are trying to get votes by scapegoating some of the poorest and most hard-working people in the United States.
Hear the stories of workers in the fight for fairness throughout the food system at the Voices of the Food Chain website.
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]]>The post Dinner and Climate Change: Global Poll Shows Eaters Connecting the Dots appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>In just a few years that has changed. Somewhat.
Today, many serious “big green” environmental groups are looking at how the food system can reduce its emissions and how agriculture can be harnessed for the cause. Many food-focused groups are also increasingly seeing the work they do–to promote organic farming, to fight petrochemicals and synthetic fertilizer, to protect biodiversity–as part of promoting climate solutions.
More ordinary people are drawing these connections, too. I witnessed this firsthand at the People’s Climate March in September, when I stood shoulder-to-shoulder with 410,000 eaters, food activists, and farmers proudly waving signs with sentiments like “cook organic, not the planet!”
Still, there’s much awareness-raising to be done, as a new report out recently from the London-based think tank, Chatham House, tells us. The report is based on a first-ever poll of 1,000 people from 12 countries—including Brazil, China, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Poland, Russia, South Africa, the UK, and the U.S.—on their attitudes about climate and food.
The folks at Chatham were especially curious to learn just how aware people are about the climate impact of meat production, since the livestock industry is a key culprit in emissions. Responsible for 14.5 percent of the total global GHGs, the livestock sector is responsible for as much emissions as every single train, plane, and car on the planet, combined.
The survey also tested people’s awareness specifically about beef and dairy, since these products account for “65 percent of the GHGs emitted by livestock,” reports Chatham. Based on average global assessments, Chatham notes, emissions from beef are “around 150 times those of soy products, by volume, and even the least emissions-intensive meat products–pork and chicken–produce 20–25 times more GHGs.”
Certain countries are particularly critical to this conversation, especially China, a country expected to grow its demand for meat and dairy in the coming decades “over four times that of the next fastest-growing consumer, Brazil,” according to Chatham.
So, what did the researchers hear in their interviews?
Eighty-three percent of respondents agreed that “human activities contribute to climate change.” But among believers, only one-third see the meat industry as a significant contributor. By comparison, two-thirds pointed the finger at transportation, even though “the contribution to overall emissions is almost equal between the two sectors,” says Chatham.
The Chatham poll also explored whether learning the facts would shift food choices. What they found was a clear and resounding yes in countries like Brazil,Italy, India, and France. While in the U. S., only 26 percent indicated that it would impact their choices.
It was particularly encouraging that people in Brazil and India–countries slated to see big growth in meat and dairy consumption in the coming years–showed high levels of accepting both the reality of climate change and the willingness to consider the climate in reducing meat consumption.
One reason consumer change is so key is because we’re in a major “policy vacuum” regarding this issue. The industry is largely unchecked by national regulators and absent from scrutiny in climate negotiations, the report notes. What’s more the food industry is heavily subsidized: Chatham estimates livestock subsidies in OECD countries added up to a whopping $53 billion in 2013, which has the effect of incentivizing more meat production. It also notes national governments have by and large excluded livestock from emissions reductions targets. (The U.S. is no exception: agriculture is exempt from many Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) regulations regarding emissions).
Chatham makes a strong case that consumer action is critical, but as groups and governments consider a focus on food, there are two important caveats.
First, the messaging must be sophisticated. Cutting back on carbon-intensive foods—like feedlot beef—does no good if we don’t simultaneously talk about better choices. If you replace your burger with processed food filled with palm oil from Indonesia and high-fructose corn syrup from the chemical-intensive American cornbelt, you may have not reduced carbon “foodprint” at all.
We can also stress not all beef is created equally. Scientific literature is mixed on the relative benefits of grassfed beef versus feedlot cattle, but some recent studies suggest that grazing can offset the climate impact of pasture-raised beef, for example. Of course, this potential needs to be put in context of the planet’s carrying capacity for grassfed cattle and the simple fact that in most countries pastured beef is largely unavailable.
Second, as we focus on consumers, we must not let industry and government off the hook. Agribusiness companies driving rainforest destruction to grow animal feed need to be in the hot seat alongside energy giants like Chevron and BP, while meat producers, like Tyson and Smithfield, must also be held accountable for their climate impacts. And we should speak up to ensure that governments monitor and regulate the worst climate-change culprits in the food sector, not subsidize them.
“It’s encouraging that people in emerging economies are open to changing how they eat once they know about the meat-climate connection,” Mia MacDonald, executive director of Brighter Green, said in an email about the Chatham survey. “But in these places, policies that would create more sustainable, humane food systems—and not replicate the U.S. model—are really lacking. And agribusinesses are very powerful. As a result, people, local and global environments, and animals (both domesticated and wild) are all losing out.”
This report is an important step in raising awareness about food-sector emissions—especially important because, as Chatham notes, emissions from this sector will increase by 30 percent by 2050 if we don’t change these trends. But as we sharpen our focus on our plates, let’s keep our eyes on politics, too.
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]]>The post 5 Questions for an International Organics Expert: IFOAM’s Andre Leu appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>I met Leu in October at the IFOAM’s Organic World Congress, held this year in Istanbul, Turkey. The tri-annual event brought together nearly 1,000 farmers, scientists, processors, and other experts for an impressive, inspiring meeting of the minds. When I asked Leu who takes care of his farm while he’s on the road—about 300 days of the year—he said, “It takes care of itself, all I have to do is manage the biodiversity.”
When Leu bought his 150-acre farm 20 years ago in the Daintree region of northern Australia, the land had been degraded, the native tropical rainforest destroyed. He knew most of the property would be worth far more by returning it back to the natural primary forest, so that’s just what he did. Today, 100 acres have been returned to rainforest and he grows more than 100 different species of tropical fruit on the other 50 acres.
“Instead of a reductionist approach,” Leu told me, “we’re looking at how we can use biodiversity to help foster a productive farm.” As the forest has returned, so have keystone species like the duckbilled platypus that now calls his creeks home, the rare Victoria’s Riflebirds, Buff-breasted Paradise Kingfishers and the six foot tall, flightless Cassowary, which nest in his restored tropical rainforest and wetlands.
“They were all rare and threatened species, now they’re back and breeding,” said Leu. “I am showing we can build productive agricultural systems alongside strong, local ecosystems.”
I interview Leu recently over Skype on his way to Kazakhstan.
We’ve come a long way since advertisements in the 1950s were telling us “DDT is good for me!” Thanks in large part to Rachel Carson’s 1962 wakeup call, Silent Spring, we banned DDT in the U.S. in 1972. Are there other toxic chemicals we should be worrying about?
Most people don’t realize that the number of pesticides and the total tons used in farming have actually increased exponentially since Carson wrote Silent Spring. Bird, bee, and butterfly species continue to decline. At the same time there have been increases in huge impacts on pollinators and cancers, degenerative diseases, reproductive problems, behavioral disorders, and numerous other diseases in humans. Hundreds of scientific studies show that these are linked to pesticide and other chemical residues. Many of the new pesticides are just as pervasive as the few pesticides that have been banned; hundreds of chemical and pesticide residues can be found in the tissues of all living species, including humans. The Environmental Working Group has found as many as 232 chemicals, including pesticides, in the placental cord blood of newborn babies in the U.S. Sadly, the problem is far worse now than at any time in history.
In the U.S., many articles have come out recently reporting that studies show organic food isn’t any healthier than food grown using chemical pesticides. You have an international perspective and have your finger on the scientific pulse. What’s your response?
Consider the latest study by Newcastle University, based on a systemic review and analysis of 343 scientific papers, which found that organic foods do have significantly higher levels of beneficial antioxidants as well and lower levels of heavy metals—especially cadmium—and significantly lower residue levels of synthetic toxic pesticides.
The problem is the mainstream media doesn’t question the mantra that the current residue levels of the cocktails of chemicals and pesticides in our food are safe. They’re ignoring hundreds of published scientific studies that show that they are linked to many of the diseases and behavioral problems that are increasing today.
By 2050, we’re told we will need to feed 9 billion people and some say we’ll need high-yielding, industrial techniques to meet that global demand. Do you think organic agriculture has the potential to feed the world?
A critical area where research is showing higher yields for organic systems is in traditional smallholder farming systems. The majority of the world’s undernourished people are farmers or landless laborers who do not produce enough food or income to feed their families. Given that, the only logical way to feed the world is by increasing the production of the smallholders who produce vast majority of the world’s food. Significant yield increases can be achieved by teaching smallholder to do things like recycling organic matter, using water efficiently, and promoting biodiversity as a way to improve pest and disease control without chemicals.
All this works. In one study of 114 agricultural projects in 24 African countries covering 2 million hectares and 1.9 million farmers, organic practices increased yields from 54 to 176 percent. Meanwhile, despite the introduction of chemical agriculture in Africa, food production per person is 10 percent lower now than it was in the 1960s.
This all sounds so exciting, so possible, and yet certified organic agriculture was only practiced on 0.87 percent of the world’s farmland in 2012. Why don’t we see organic practices embraced by more farmers?
Organic is the fastest growing agricultural production system in the world, despite the fact that most governments, research universities, and institutions ignore it. One of the main reasons for the slow uptake is that research in organic systems has been largely ignored. Fifty-two billion dollars is spent annually on agriculture research worldwide, but less than 0.4 percent is spent on organic farming systems.
Compare the small yield difference achieved with trillions of dollars and thousands of researchers to what organic farmers have achieved when left largely to their own devices and I’d argue that conventional agriculture has been a very poor use of valuable funds. Also given that the new research into organic systems is starting to show very impressive increases in yields, organic agriculture is a far better use of research dollars.
Is there one place in the world that you think they’re getting organic farming right? What can the rest of us can learn from them?
In Tigray, Ethiopia, the Institute of Sustainable Development has been working with farmers to restore local ecology and learn practices like composting and using biogas digesters. Farmers in this network are re-vegetating marginal areas—like gullies, slopes, and field borders—and sustainably harvesting the biomass. This has provided a steady source of nutrients helping build soil fertility and replacing nutrients lost when crops are taken off the farm. Farmers are also learning how to plant deep-rooted legumes for nitrogen production, taller species for windbreaks, and a variety of crops to attract beneficial pests.
The farmers have also been encouraged to use seeds of their own landraces, developed over millennia to be adapted to the local climate, soils, and pests. These farmer-bred varieties produced high yields under organic conditions. The major advantage of this system is that the seeds and the compost are sourced locally at no or little cost to the farmers, whereas the seeds and synthetic chemical inputs in the conventional system have to be purchased. In just a few years, they’ve seen more than 100 percent increases in yields and higher income for farmers.
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]]>The post March Today, Eat a Low-Carbon Diet Tomorrow appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>We all know the bad news—melting ice caps, rising seas, mass extinctions—but here is the good: We actually have solutions at our fingertips; we just need the political will to embrace them. New data from Cornell, Univeristy of California at Davis, and Stanford University shows that we have enough clean energy sources to power our country. The Solutions Project is using that data to help all Americas access to clean energy, across all economic, demographic, and political divides.
We also have a blueprint for how to reshape the global food system so that instead of being one of the key drivers of the climate crisis, food becomes a central solution. Embracing a “low carbon diet” can help us both reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and survive on a hotter, less predictable planet.
Consider the worst culprits of global warming and you might think of dirty coal-fired power plants or gas-guzzling SUVs. While its true that the majority of current human-produced GHGs come from the fossil fuel industry, the global food system—from agricultural land use to processing plants and food waste in landfills—contributes to as much as one third of these emissions.
Finish Your Peas, the Ice Caps are Melting
While nearly one billion go hungry every year globally, we waste as much as half of all food we produce. That’s a tragedy for the hungry; it’s also tragic for the climate. Not only are GHGs produced in the process of growing and making that food, but the landfills where much of it ends up belch methane, a potent greenhouse gas. The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization estimates that if food waste were a country, it would represent the world’s third largest GHG emitter, after China and the United States.
Around the world, folks are tackling the food waste problem with creative solutions. Urban Gleaners in Portland, Oregon is taking extra food going from restaurants and grocery stores and connecting it with food banks and other institutions in need. Love Food Hate Waste out of the UK has been pioneering education for reducing home and institutional food waste for years. And the Food Waste Recovery Network on U.S. college campuses has already saved more than 350,00 pounds of food since it was founded just two-and-a-half years ago.
Don’t Panic, Go Organic
Even when feeding billions, agriculture need not contribute to the climate catastrophe. One solution is to promote sustainable farming like organic agriculture that uses ecological strategies to manage weeds and pests and promote soil fertility. Organic farms use far less energy than those that rely on petroleum-based chemicals and synthetic fertilizer, which requires enormous amounts of energy to produce. In one long-term study comparing organic and non-organic corn production, the Rodale Institute found that the organic fields used 30 percent less energy. A Canadian life-cycle analysis found that organic farmers use less than half of the energy conventional ones do.
Healthy soil also retains water and withstands extreme weather events, like flooding and droughts, more effectively than soil from conventional operations. A University of Minnesota study also found that organic farms lost 41 percent less water. Rodale Institute’s long-term field trials research shows that organic farms produce much better than conventional ones in drought years, delivering yields up to one third higher. Moreover, healthy soil stores more carbon, meaning it stays out of the atmosphere. Andre Leu, from the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements, has estimated that organic agriculture practices could enable the earth’s soils to capture as much as 20 percent of current total emissions; add in agroforestry practices and that number could jump to as high as 36 percent.
Stir Your Peanut Butter
Multi-syllabic ingredients are red flags for your health, for sure, but one of them—palm oil—is a big red flag for the planet. In Indonesia and Malaysia, carbon-rich peatlands are being drained and destroyed to make way for giant palm oil plantations. Food processors’ are increasingly buying up this oil, no matter the ecological cost. And the cost is huge. One study by Rainforest Action Network (on whose board of directors I sit) found that deforestation for palm plantations in Indonesia causes 80 percent of that nation’s carbon dioxide emissions, making the country one of the world’s leading contributors to global warming.
You can now find palm oil in most processed foods, from cookies and crackers to granola bars and peanut butter. It’s cheaper than other vegetable oils and it’s often used to increase shelf life or create the right consistency. You can thank palm oil for peanut butter than doesn’t need mixing. I would guess many of us might be willing to stir our own peanut butter if we knew it meant keeping Indonesian rainforests intact.
The Meat of the Matter
The United Nations estimates that livestock production is responsible for 14.5 percent of all GHG emissions, in large part because of the deforestation driven by global demand for feed as well as the emissions from intensive animal operations. But not all livestock is equally to blame: Think of beef as the Hummer on your plate. One study looking at emissions by animal type found that sheep accounted for nine percent of global livestock-related emissions, pigs five percent, and goats only four percent; whereas beef and dairy cattle account for a combined 71 percent.
One reason is that beef is a major user of farmland: It requires about three-fifths of the world’s agricultural land for either pasture or feed, yet the production delivers less than 5 percent of the planet’s protein and less than 2 percent of global calories, according to the Union of Concerned Scientists.
And there’s water to consider, too. You don’t have to live in drought-stricken California to know that water will become even more precious as weather becomes weirder. And beef production is water-intensive, extremely so. Producing a pound of beef uses almost 50 times more water than a pound of vegetables; about 40 times more than potatoes and other root crops; and about nine times more than grain.
As participants in today’s climate march in New York City head home, spreading back out to Queens and Brooklyn and across the country, they’ll take with them the knowledge that these moments of popular expression are key to sparking real change in the halls of Congress and the boardrooms of Fortune 500 companies.
But whether we take to the streets or not, we can all take action in our own communities—and our own kitchens.
The post March Today, Eat a Low-Carbon Diet Tomorrow appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post Don’t Panic, Go Organic: The IPCC Report Should be a Wakeup Call for Climate-Smart Food appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>So should we be stockpiling Chef Boyardee and plowing down forests for farms to forestall famine? Not so fast. The climate crisis will indeed have colossal consequences to agricultural yields, as the IPCC documents in the report. Continuing on the current path, we could see an average of two percent productivity declines over each of the coming decades, with some developing countries experiencing much steeper declines.
But these stark predictions need not result in more hunger. In fact, they can also be the wake-up call we need to make “climate-smart” food decisions. And for once there is some good news in the story of global warming: We already have a solution. We know how to grow food in ways that cuts emissions, creates more resilient landscapes, and ensures ample yields, all while reducing the use of non-renewable resources, fossil fuels, and land. And we know how to get more nutrition from what we’re already producing. Does this sound too good to be true? It’s not.
Here are four climate-smart food strategies:
1. Reduce food waste. Globally, we’re wasting as much as 30 percent of all food that could be eaten. In the United States, Dana Gunders at the Natural Resources Defense Council estimates the figure is as high as 40 percent. Food waste is often the single largest component of municipal solid waste, making it a major source of methane emissions methane, a greenhouse gas (GHG) with 21 times the heat-trapping capacity of carbon dioxide. Indeed, if food waste were a country, it would rank as the world’s third worst GHG emitter, says the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization. Just think about all the energy and resources wasted in producing food that doesn’t even make it to our bellies! When we hear dire predictions about agricultural yield declines, consider the calories we could unleash, if only we didn’t waste so much food.
2. Guard the soil. Across the planet, ecosystems on the land—soils, forests, prairies—absorb about one third of the greenhouse gases humans emit each year. Though protecting forests is often presented as a frontline strategy to reduce emissions, soil stores even more carbon than our forests. Healthy soils, therefore, are essential in absorbing already emitted carbon dioxide. What’s more, industrial agriculture practices now going global—including synthetic fertilizer, monocropping, chemical use, and tillage—destroy soil carbon, releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Much of the farmland across our Midwest that had levels of 20 percent carbon as recently as the 1950s, now contain only one or two percent, according to the Pennsylvania-based Rodale Institute.
Prairies in the United States are also being lost and once those acres—carbon-rich homes for grasses, forbs, and sedges—are destroyed “they are virtually impossible to bring back,” writes Jocelyn Zuckerman in The American Prospect. So what can be done? The Environmental Working Group estimates that 97 percent of soil loss is preventable with the most basic conservation measures. We also know that organic farming works: In the longest-running side-by-side trial of organic and chemical farming systems, the Rodale Institute found that over more than two decades organic practices increased soil carbon 30 percent, while the “petroleum-based system showed no significant increase in soil carbon in the same time period.”
3. Protect the oceans. Keeping oceans healthy is key to food security. After all, the majority of people in developing countries rely on fish for at least one third of their daily protein. But the IPCC reports that increasing atmospheric carbon dioxide will exacerbate ocean acidification, as carbon dioxide is increasingly absorbed in oceans, increasing acidity and disrupting aquatic ecosystems. While climate change jeopardizes this key source of human nutrition, we can tackle the other main stress for aquatic ecosystems: Dead zones. Numbering more than 400 around the globe, dead zones are created by an increase in nutrients, especially phosphorus and nitrogen runoff from industrial farms and livestock operations.
This nutrient spike triggers algal blooms that, when they die and decompose, draw oxygen from oceans, creating a “dead zone” no longer inhabitable by most aquatic life. Without dramatically changing American farm production, we could reduce this harm to our oceans: In a typical season, only 30 to 50 percent of nitrogen applied is absorbed by crops; the rest is lost as leaching or runoff, ending up in rivers and oceans. (Poorly managed soils also lose nitrogen to the atmosphere, another source of the greenhouse gas nitrous oxide, with 310 times the heat-trapping potential of carbon dioxide).
Incentivizing the precision use of synthetic fertilizer would reduce runoff, while at the same time decreasing a major on-farm source of greenhouse gas emissions: fertilizer use and production. In the long run, we can also further incentivize transitioning to organic farming, supporting farmers who use ecological, renewable sources of fertility, like planting nitrogen-fixing legumes.
4. Grow (and eat) food, real food. Take a look at all the corn planted in the United States in 2013, 87 million acres of it, and you’ll find only 1.8 percent was eaten, as cereals or food. The rest was grown for feedlots, ethanol plants, or industrial products. We’re wasting farmland—often prime farmland—to grow crops that we don’t consume, or eat directly. Climate-smart food means using land for real food. I know that may not seem like an earth-shattering idea, but it is. Consider palm oil, the most widely traded vegetable oil in the world. Today, precious carbon-rich peatlands in Indonesia and Malaysia are being destroyed for oil palm plantations, producing a product that ends up in the gas tanks of cars in Europe or in processed foods to enhance shelf life, improve texture or, like in peanut butter, to bind ingredients. I don’t know about you, but I’m willing to stir my own peanut butter, if it means slowing the climate crisis.
These are just four of the many climate-smart steps we can take today, without waiting on global emissions reduction commitments or breakthroughs in energy innovation. I don’t want to downplay the challenges in implementing these steps, especially on the scale needed; but I do want to stress how doable these strategies are. Already, many governments are starting to catch on with support from international agencies like the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization.
If we absorb the fear mongering of the neo-Malthusians, however, we could find ourselves blindly adhering to pseudo-food security solutions focused on bumping up yield, without fully grasping the complexity of food system change. As the outgoing U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food wrote in his final report [PDF] in March:
Any prescription to increase yields that ignores the need to transition to sustainable production and consumption, and to reduce rural poverty, will not only be incomplete; it may also have damaging impacts, worsening the ecological crisis and widening the gap between different categories of food producers.
With the IPCC’s latest warnings ringing in our ears, we now have no excuse but to alert our elected leaders—from mayors to governors to heads of states—that the time for climate-smart food is now. If we don’t, we might be hearing Malthus’s name again in 50 years. But by then it will be for real.
The post Don’t Panic, Go Organic: The IPCC Report Should be a Wakeup Call for Climate-Smart Food appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post Fixing Food In Four Minutes or Less: Short Films to Watch (and Vote on) Right Now appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>I launched the Contest last year along with a coalition of amazing food and farming organizations—from Real Food Challenge to Sustainable Table to the Food Chain Workers Alliance—to create a platform for creative new voices to share the untold stories of our food system: The good, the bad, and the exquisite.
With some fabulous advisers, we took on the arduous task of pairing down 156 films to 10 finalists. Now, we’re calling on you—the voting public—to weigh in on a “People’s Choice” Award at RealFoodMedia.org. Judges from the food and film industry–including Michael Pollan, Padma Lakshmi, and Alice Waters–will then cast their votes for the top three films by March 2nd and all the winners will be announced on March 4, 2014.
It’s no surprise to me that the national interest in our food system has spiked to unprecedented levels, but I would have never guessed we’d get such a great response to our first call for entries. The films range in topic from the crisis in commercial beekeeping to the success of an urban gardening program in the South Bronx, and they prove just how hungry young filmmakers and community advocates are for a deeper exploration of our food. The archive of over 150 short films may be one of the largest ever created in service of the Good Food Movement.
Here’s are three films to whet your appetite:
Hands in the Orchestra
Go behind the scenes in San Francisco restaurant kitchens in this rocking short about the hands that feed us.
The Berry Picker
A college student in Oregon spends her summers picking berries with her parents.
Reaping the Whirlwind
The Dust Bowl is not just a chapter in U.S. history books. This short doc talks about why we could face another Dust Bowl and what we can do about it.
Now head on over to RealFoodMedia.org to watch the rest of the films and cast your vote. While you’re there, you’ll also find materials to help you host screening parties and spread the word on social media.
The post Fixing Food In Four Minutes or Less: Short Films to Watch (and Vote on) Right Now appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post Grist’s Coverage on GMOs: What’s Really at Stake appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>After meandering about in the woods for the past six months, Johnson, who positions himself as open and searching on this issue, says he’s come to this conclusion: “The most astonishing thing about the vicious public brawl over GMOs is that the stakes are so low.”
Imagine two alternate futures, he writes, “one in which genetically modified food has been utterly banned, and another in which all resistance to genetic engineering has ceased. In other words, imagine what would happen if either side ‘won’ the debate.” In both cases, he says, not much would really change at all. “The point is that even if you win, the payoff is relatively small in the broad scheme of things. Really, why do so many people care?”
Well, a lot of people care for good reason. In Johnson’s attempt at a clever journalistic gesture, his thought experiment misses the heart of what many of the people I’ve met and interviewed over the past 12 years are not just against, when it comes to GE crops, but what they’re for.
What they’re fighting for is a kind of sustainable agriculture that is gaining an international consensus of support from reports by the National Academies of Press to the United Nations Committee on Trade and Development to the clumsily named, but hugely important, International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD).
What’s become abundantly clear is that there are at least seven things we need to get right in agriculture, right now. We need to:
Like most, you’re probably not an expert on agricultural systems, but you’re still likely nodding, yes: Less oil, less wasted water, less chemicals, and more food? Sign me up!
This is not just me saying this. The sense of urgency around meeting these seven needs is a growing consensus among top agricultural researchers around the world, like those 400 experts who spent four years developing the IAASTD report, endorsed by over 60 governments from across Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.
We care so much about genetic engineering because the technology sends us in exactly the opposite direction of where global consensus says we need to head. (Excellent reporting by Tom Philpott at Mother Jones, formerly of Grist, has reminded us of this, time and time again.)
The GMO technology commercialized to date has not reduced fossil fuel use or chemical and water dependency. At the same time, it’s decreased biodiversity and entrenched farmer dependence on purchased inputs. What’s more, the technology, with its focus on commodity crops like corn and soy largely for feed in factory farms, spurs the confinement model of animal agriculture, with terrible implications for the climate and our health.
The evidence-based IAASTD report confirms the disappointing “contributions” of the technology, while noting that to date the technology’s main beneficiaries have been its corporate manufacturers, rather than resource-limited farmers struggling to feed their communities.
Let’s also remember why proceeding with caution is just plain smart: Not just because we’re talking about our food supply—kinda important, people—but also because we should learn from history. Monsanto and Dow, two of the biggest producers of GMOs, are chemical companies with long histories of failures to protect human and ecosystem health—with tragic consequences.
Consider Monsanto and Dow’s chemical 2,4-D used in an herbicide concoction called Agent Orange during the Vietnam War, which caused untold cancers, birth defects, and other serious illnesses among Vietnamese and veterans. (And the companies are now pushing the chemical again through corn and soybean seeds engineered to be resistant to, and therefore used with, 2,4-D.)
Perhaps my biggest concern about this technology—and a concern that Johnson plays right into—is that it is a grand distraction of time, money, and resources away from the kind of technologies we could be developing for truly sustainable food production. (Remember those seven things we need to do right now?) Even the fact that I’m sitting here writing, once again, about why I’m no fan of GMOs or the companies pushing them, is itself a distraction from focusing on the solutions at hand.
Over the past decade, I’ve learned a lot about the intersections of climate change, food security, and agriculture and what’s been most exciting is to learn that we have so many of the answers for feeding the future in the incredible innovations of agroecology.
Marcia Ishii-Eiteman, senior scientist at Pesticide Action Network and a co-author on the IAASTD report, describes these solutions as practices that “blend indigenous knowledge with the latest research findings produced by farmers and scientists and offer a vibrant and sustainable way forward for the planet.”
Studies from the Global South (like the case studies in this UK-commissioned report) are showing fabulous results in yield and nutritional content from agroecological practices, without the risks and costs of the current crop of commercialized GMOs. Studies from Europe are showing that agroecological practices can yield comparable harvests, or even better, than conventional farming, while promoting biodiversity, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and fossil fuel use.
All this despite agroecological practices getting just a sliver of the funding that goes toward chemical agriculture and genetic engineering, which is one reason IAASTD authors highlight the importance of governments increasing investments in and policy supports for agroecology.
Ishii-Eiteman has written extensively about the emergence of these really exciting results from agroecology. As she says, “farmers and scientists around the world are co-creating the ecologically and economically resilient farming solutions we so urgently need to meet the pressing climate, water, environmental and energy challenges of the 21st Century.
Conventional farmers from India to Iowa are gradually abandoning pesticide-intensive GE agriculture and transitioning to non-GE, while many more farmers around the world are already adopting highly sophisticated, biodiverse ecological farming systems to meet not only basic survival needs, but also the multifaceted priorities of their communities.”
Johnson says that “genetic engineering is just one tool in the tinkerer’s belt,” but as long as the funding for alternative tools in that toolbox is so limited, and the consolidation of power in the food system is so great, we won’t get the support for real innovation where we need it.
To paraphrase one of my favorite New York City mayoral candidates: The stakes are too damn high. Sadly, one of the few online outlets dedicated to reporting on the environmental crisis and how we can respond to it–in our cities, homes, and our farm fields–has just helped confuse one of the most important questions of our time.
Grist likes to say it’s a beacon in the smog. When it comes to Johnson’s reporting on genetic engineering in agriculture, I’m sure missing that beacon.
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]]>The post Human Rights and a Burger Giant appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>In 1993, six farmworkers gathered in a local Catholic church in Immokalee, Florida, two hours northwest of Miami. Seated in a circle of folding chairs, they began to recount the human rights abuses they had suffered and witnessed while working in the tomato fields of Florida.
One of the farmworkers produced a nondescript booklet and began to read from the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, a set of basic human rights that the nascent Coalition of Immokalee Workers would look towards when designing their own Code of Conduct to end the abuses faced by farmworkers.
Today, as we celebrate International Human Rights Day, the anniversary of the day the United Nations adopted the Declaration of Human Rights, we recognize the Coalition of Immokalee Workers, who, from their modest beginnings, has become one of the human rights giants of our time.
Through their worker-designed Fair Food Program–a historic collaboration between farmworkers, 11 food retail corporations, and the majority of Florida tomato growers–an agricultural industry based on respect for human rights is becoming a reality. Just last week, the Coalition, along with the Fair Food Standards Council, presented its real-world solutions to human rights abuses to over 1,700 delegates from 85 countries at the United Nations Business and Human Rights Forum in Geneva.
While 11 leading retailers are paying a small premium to lift workers’ wages and have committed their purchasing power to demand human rights standards, there has been one notable exception: Wendy’s. Supporters of the Coalition around the country have made sure Wendy’s hears, loud and clear, that they’re on the wrong side of history. In a recent week of action against the burger joint, hundreds of people took to the streets in dozens of cities nationwide, from Columbus, Ohio to Jacksonville, Florida.
As Wendy’s looks to establish a more “sustainable” brand and sourcing of “honest ingredients,” the food justice community–from writers and farmers to retail workers and students–has rallied together up and down the supply chain to let Wendy’s know that farmworkers must make up an integral part of that vision. Today, as we reflect on the commitment to human rights that we have made as a global community, we ask that Wendy’s seize this opportunity to join the Fair Food Program.
Below is the letter which I have signed, along with many of my colleagues in the food movement, including movement leaders, writers, chefs, small farmers, and food justice organizations.
***
Dear Mr. Brolick,
As food writers, chefs, small and family farmers, sustainable businesses leaders, anti-hunger groups, and food justice advocates, we are writing to express our grave disappointment that Wendy’s has thus far refused to join the most far-reaching, successful, and comprehensive program for social responsibility in the US produce industry: The Fair Food Program.
When Wendy’s founder Dave Thomas opened the first Wendy’s store, he outlined values that would anchor the Wendy’s brand, such as “Do The Right Thing,” “Treat People with Respect,” and “Give Something Back.” Today, the eyes of the growing food movement turn toward you to ask that you uphold these guiding values upon which Wendy’s has built its image.
As such, we urge you to act immediately to ensure that the rights and dignity of farmworkers who harvest the tomatoes sold in Wendy’s products nationwide be respected by committing your company to a social responsibility program that was recently heralded in The Washington Post as “one of the great human rights success stories of our day.”
While Florida farmworkers have long faced stagnant, sub-poverty wages and egregious human rights violations–in the most extreme cases including modern-day slavery–the good news is that a solution now exists. Through the Coalition of Immokalee Workers’ (CIW) Fair Food Program–an unprecedented partnership among 11 major corporate retailers (including all of Wendy’s main competitors), over 90 percent of the entire Florida tomato industry, and farmworkers themselves–a more modern, more sustainable industry is being born.
The Fair Food Program was recently highlighted in a White House report concerning efforts to combat human trafficking as “one of the most successful and innovative programs” in the fight against modern-day slavery. Additionally, the U.N. Working Group on Business and Human Rights sent observers to Immokalee, reporting that the Fair Food Program “innovatively addresses core worker concerns” through an “independent and robust enforcement mechanism.” Most recently, the CIW was awarded the Roosevelt Institute’s 2013 Freedom From Want Medal, recognizing the unprecedented advances of the Program.
By refusing to put its weight behind this program, Wendy’s is lagging behind its competitors as the only major fast food corporation in the US that has yet to become part of this proven approach to a more sustainable supply chain. What’s more, when you, Mr. Brolick, helmed Taco Bell in 2005 as the company became the first Fair Food Program signatory, you stated at the time of the announcement, “We have indicated that any solution must be industry-wide… but we are willing to play a leadership role within our industry to be part of the solution. We hope others in the restaurant industry and supermarket retail trade will follow our leadership.” Now, eight years later, Wendy’s is “the rest of the industry” that needs to join the Program.
Until now, however, Wendy’s has publicly stated that it already pays a premium for its Florida tomato purchases and only buys from growers within the Fair Food Program. Such misleading statements do a disservice to Wendy’s brand and reputation. As you well know, whatever premium Wendy’s may pay, it is unrelated to the Fair Food Program and does nothing to raise farmworkers’ wages. Moreover, the Fair Food Program works because it has teeth: Retailers commit to supporting farms that uphold a necessary set of labor standards and suspend their purchases from farms that are unwilling to comply. Only by joining its competitors in making that commitment can Wendy’s assure its customers that it is doing its part to ensure that farmworkers who pick its tomatoes are treated with dignity and respect.
Wendy’s promotes its sourcing of “honest ingredients” and its sustainable business practices, to which we as food justice advocates are also dedicated. But you must understand that today’s consumers expect and demand that farmworkers, whose work makes possible Wendy’s continued growth, also constitute an integral part of that vision. To portray your company as taking the necessary steps to uphold farmworker rights while doing no such thing–when a proven and verifiable solution exists–can only be described as disingenuous.
As Wendy’s looks to modernize its brand to position itself as “a cut above” their fast-food counterparts, it must understand that a new logo is insufficient to transform an old-fashioned approach to human rights. Only a true commitment to just treatment of workers in your supply chain can assure Wendy’s of smooth sailing in the 21st Century. We within the food justice movement urge you to seize this moment as an opportunity to uphold those values and act immediately to join with the CIW and the Florida tomato industry in building a better tomorrow.
1. Frances Moore Lappé, Author, Diet for a Small Planet; Co-founder, Small Planet Institute
2. Raj Patel, Author, Stuffed and Starved; IATP Food and Community Fellow
3. Richard McCarthy, Executive Director, Slow Food USA
4. Jim Harkness, President, Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy
5. Ben Burkett, President, National Family Farm Coalition; Coordinator, Federation of Southern Cooperatives
6. John E. Peck, Executive Director, Family Farm Defenders
7. Bill Ayres, Executive Director, WhyHunger
8. Eric Holt-Giménez, Executive Director; Food First/Institute for Development Policy
9. Nikki Henderson, Executive Director, People’s Grocery
10. Kathryn Gilje, Executive Director, Pesticide Action Network North America
11. Niaz Dorry, Coordinating Director, Northwest Atlantic Marine Alliance
12. Anna Lappé, Project Director, Food MythBusters; Author, Diet for a Hot Planet
13. Tracey Ryder, Cofounder & CEO, Edible Communities
14. Sanjay Rawal, Director, Food Chains
15. Molly Anderson, Food Systems Integrity; Chair, Food & Sustainable Agriculture Systems, College of the Atlantic
16. Danielle Nierenberg, Co-Founder & President, Food Tank: The Food Think Tank
17. Anim Steel, Director, Real Food Challenge
18. Melissa Kogut, Executive Director, Chef’s Collaborative
19. Lindsay Comstock, Executive Director, National Farm Worker Ministry
20. Andy Fisher, Co-founder & Former Executive Director, Community Food Security Coalition
21. Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director, Oakland Institute
22. Dana Geffner, Executive Director, Fair World Project
23. Gerardo Marin, Co-director, Rooted in Community
24. Joann Lo, Executive Director, Food Chain Workers Alliance
25. Mark A. Dunlea, Executive Director, Hunger Action Network of NYS
26. Joel Bert, Executive Director, New York City Coalition Against Hunger
27. Judy Gearhart, Executive Director, International Labor Rights Forum
28. Samuel Nderitu, Co-Director, Grow Biointensive Agriculture Center of Kenya
29. Michelle Moskowitz Brown, Executive Director, Local Matters
30. Jess Daniel, Director & Chief Enabler, FoodLab Detroit
31. Daniel Gross, Co-founder & Executive Director, Brandworkers
32. Gavin Raders, Co-Founder & Executive Director, Planting Justice; Co-Founder, Wild and Radish LLC
33. Saru Jayaraman, Co-Founder, Restaurant Opportunities Centers United
34. Farzana Serang, Executive Director, Cooperative Food Empowerment Directive
35. Colette Cosner, Executive Director, Domestic Fair Trade Association
36. Stephen Bartlett, Coordinator for Constituency Education, Agricultural Missions, Inc.
37. Nikhil Aziz, Executive Director, Grassroots International
38. Geetha Lakmini Fernando, Executive Secretary, National Fisheries Solidarity Movement (NAFSO)
39. Sanjay Kharod, Executive Director, New Orleans Food and Farm Network
40. Jeffrey Frank, National Coordinator, Friends of the MST
41. Eric Weltman, Senior Organizer, Food and Water Watch
42. Nadia Johnson, Food Justice Program and City Farms Markets Network Coordinator, Just Food
43. Lauren Ornelas, Founder & Executive Director, Food Empowerment Project
44. Erica Bacon, Co-Chair of Food Justice Project, Community Alliance for Global Justice
45. Dave Murphy, Founder & Executive Director, Food Democracy Now!
46. Ronnie Cummins, Director, Organic Consumers Association
47. Nancy Romer, Chair of Governance Board, Brooklyn Food Coalition
48. Rashid Nuri, Director & CEO, Truly Living Well
49. Josephine Chu, Co-founder, Zenful Bites
50. Natasha Bowens, Founder, The Color of Food; Blogger, Brown.Girl.Farming.
51. Adrien Schless-Meier, Deputy Managing Editor, Civil Eats; Emerson Hunger Fellow
52. Brahm Ahmadi, CEO & President, People’s Community Market; IATP Food and Community Fellow
53. Rebecca Wiggins-Reinhard, Farm to School Director, La Semilla Food Center; IATP Food and Community Fellow
54. Navina Khanna, Co-founder & Field Director, Live Real
55. Diana Lopez, Co-Director, Southwest Workers Union
56. Pat Purcell, Director of Political and Legislative Affairs, United Food and Commercial Workers Union Local 1500
57. Adam Olson, Regional Advocacy Lead, Oxfam America
58. Nico Gumbs, State Coordinator, Florida Youth and Young Adult Network of the National Farm Worker Ministry
59. Donald B. Clark, Network for Environmental & Economic Responsibility of the United Church of Christ; Cornucopia Network of NJ
60. Greg Baker, Chef, The Refinery
61. Kevin Archer, Chef; General Manager, Jivamuktea Café
62. Hosam Ahmad, Chef, Aladdin Pita
63. Alissa Hamilton, Author, Squeezed: What You Don’t Know About Orange Juice
64. Nora McKeon, Author, Including Small Farmers in Global Food Politics
65. Mark Winne, Author, Food Rebels, Guerrilla Gardeners, and Smart-Cookin’ Mamas
66. Anthony Flaccavento, Farmer, Abingdon Organics Farm; Founder, SCALE, Inc; IATP Food and Community Fellow
67. Patrick Crouch, Farmer, Earthworks Urban Farm; Program Manager, Capuchin Soup Kitchen
68. Jim Goodman, Farmer, Northwood Farm; IATP Food and Community Fellow
69. Bob St. Peter, Farmer, Saving Seeds Farm; Executive Director, Food for Maine’s Future
70. Brian Lapinski, Farmer, Down to Earth Farm
71. Jim Goodman, Farmer, Northwood Farm; IATP Food and Community Fellow
72. Jeremy Brown, Commercial Fisherman; Founding Member, Nooksack Salmon Enhancement Association; IATP Food and Community Fellow
73. Michael Jones, Owner, The Greener Grocer
74. Chris Litchfield, Owner, Maryland Food Collective
75. Phat Beets Produce
76. The U.S. Food Sovereignty Alliance
77. The Community/Farmworker Alliance
78. Bridget Cooke, Executive Director, Adelante Mujeres
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]]>The post Walmart and the Grinch Who Stole Thanksgiving appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>While the Walton family heirs control more wealth than the bottom 40 percent of us, the company itself pays its workers so poorly many must rely on food stamps and government assistance just to get by.
To bring to life the stories of workers struggling to get by on Walmart wages, Making Change at Walmart–the organization working to convince the company it can’t thrive while so many of its workers struggle–has been sharing stories like the one below.
John Paul Ashton: Scraping By on Less than $25,000
John Paul “JP” Ashton, is a 31-year old Walmart maintenance worker who makes around $20,000 a year. Originally from Colorado, Ashton now lives in Washington. He is the father of two and has worked at Walmart for more than five years to support his family.
“When I first started at Walmart, I was told that it was a place where I could grow and have opportunities. I soon discovered that was not the case,” said Ashton. “People take being able to buy lunch for granted. I don’t need a fancy job, but what I do need is a job that allows me to provide for my family and to be able to speak out without fear of retaliation. It would also be nice to have more than $2 in my bank account after I pay my bills.”
Ashton, who must walk 45 minutes to work, prides himself on being a provider for his family. As one of the many Walmart workers who earn less than $25,000 a year, during his time with the mega-retailer Ashton has had to, at times, rely on food banks to feed his family. Currently, he receives food stamps in order to put food on the table.
“No one wants to have to rely on food stamps to live (and trust me I know how to budget the little money I make), but at the end of the day because of what Walmart pays I have no other choice. It’s hard for me to understand how a company that makes all that money and a family that has over $144 billion can justify what they pay workers,” he said.
Ashton, who enrolled in Walmart’s healthcare plan in order to provide insurance to his two children, brings home on average $1200-1400 a month. Often he is unable to pay his rent in full because his bi-weekly paycheck does not cover the full amount.
Ashton joined Organizing United for Respect at Walmart (OUR Walmart) because he wanted to have a voice on the job and the ability to speak with management about working conditions without fear of retaliation.
When asked what $25,000 a year would mean for him Ashton’s remark was simple: “Freedom…freedom to do more things for my children.”
“I don’t need or want much,” he continued. “Yes, it would be nice to have a car or maybe a house. It would even be nice to have more than $10 in my bank account. Sam Walton said ‘you treat employees right, treat customers right and we all make money.’ Walmart does not does not live up to that and I am going to keep fighting until they do.”
Making Change at Walmart is a campaign challenging Walmart to help rebuild our economy and strengthen working families. Anchored by the United Food & Commercial Workers, it’s a coalition of Walmart associates, union members, small business owners, religious leaders, community organizations, women’s advocacy groups, multi-ethnic coalitions, elected officials and ordinary citizens who believe that changing Walmart is vital for the future of our country.
Today, this Black Friday, Walmart workers and community supporters will be standing up for decent pay at Walmart. Come out to support Walmart workers at a Walmart store near you. Click here to find the protest closest to you.
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