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]]>Every autumn since he was 12, Paul Annear has been hunting for deer on his parents’ 120 hilly, wooded acres in southwestern Wisconsin’s Driftless Area. It’s a tradition passed down from grandfather to father to son and one that he talks about reverently. “The region is full of rock outcroppings and big ridges and low-lying valleys with creeks running through, and there’s herd wildlife pretty much everywhere you turn,” Annear says.
If he’s shooting straight, Annear harvests his two allotted bucks each season—one hunted with his firearm permit and one with his bow permit. He’ll bring home about 100 pounds of venison, which will feed his family of five throughout the spring, summer, and into the fall.
Many low-income rural residents also receive donated venison in food pantry boxes or served in meals at charitable feeding centers.
In the past few years, what was once a straightforward if labor-intensive process—field dressing, transporting, and processing the meat into various cuts before freezing—has become considerably more fraught. Throughout most of Wisconsin and in 29 other states, chronic wasting disease (CWD) is on the rise in deer-related species; trophy hunting, or captive hunt, facilities are at least partly to blame. Six of the last 11 bucks Annear harvested on his family’s property were infected with CWD, a percentage that tracks with countywide infection rates. Rather than being eaten, those deer are destroyed.
Although hunting isn’t Annear’s only way to access protein, he knows “some families where that’s their red meat for the most part,” he says. Many low-income rural residents also receive donated venison in food pantry boxes or served in meals at charitable feeding centers. With food insecurity back to pre-pandemic rates, and inflation driving up the cost of beef and veal by 14.3 percent, some anti-hunger advocates are wondering how CWD will impact people already struggling to put fresh food on their tables.
The Spread of CWD
CWD was identified in the U.S. in the late 1960s. It is highly infectious and fatal for deer, elk, moose, and reindeer. Like other prion diseases, such as Creutzfeldt-Jakob’s disease in humans and bovine spongiform encephalopathy, AKA mad cow disease, it attacks the brain, killing nerve cells until tiny holes form in the tissue. There’s no way to prevent or cure it. Although it’s not known to spread to humans, epidemiologists fear it could make that interspecies jump; as a result, the Centers for Disease Control advises against eating CWD-infected venison. “It’s really depressing when you have a deer test positive, but I’m not willing to personally take the risk,” Annear says.
In its last stage, CWD causes animals to lose weight and stagger, making them vulnerable to car strikes and predators like coyotes and bobcats. For most of the disease’s incubation period, which can last up to 24 months, there’s no way to tell if an animal is infected. Diagnosis is only possible in dead animals—either roadkill or hunted deer brought to testing sites. A hunter must remove the head so the lymph nodes can be extracted.
“It’s a gruesome thing to do and a gruesome sight when you see it,” says Annear. “You tag the [head] with a registration number that’ll link back to your name, and within two weeks you typically get your results back.” That’s a challenge for hunters who must either refrigerate the deer carcass while they wait or break down and package the meat, only to throw it away if they receive a positive result.
In the weeks before showing CWD symptoms, wild deer are “shedding infective materials like urine, feces, blood, saliva, and semen into the environment. Deer are very social so that is one way the disease is spreading,” says Kip Adams. He’s chief conservation officer for the National Deer Association (NDA), an organization that works in part to preserve wild deer and their habitats. However, Adams says many wildlife managers believe that the greatest culprit in spreading the disease is captive hunt facilities.
These are tracts of fenced land where people come to trophy hunt. What are known as shooter bucks are reared, with considerable trauma, in breeding farms that proliferate mostly in Texas. They are then transported across the country to hunting facilities from which they frequently escape; between 2004 and 2007, 437 animals escaped from facilities in Wisconsin alone. Infected escapees—but also penned animals that wander up to the fencing—can and do transmit CWD to wild deer populations. As a result, it’s rapidly spreading through some regions and moving into others.
The North American Deer and Elk Farmers Association, the industry’s largest trade organization, did not respond to a request for comment from Civil Eats.
Some states, like Virginia, don’t allow captive hunt facilities; others have strict rules for how they’re run, still others are less stringent. In Texas, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, captive hunt facilities are common, with more than 750 in Pennsylvania alone, according to the state’s agriculture department. The first case of CWD in Pennsylvania was found in a captive facility in 2012 and in the wild in 2013; last year it was found in 257 tested animals in a CWD hotspot near the Maryland border, representing a 2.3 percent infection rate.
The Humane Society of the United States has been a vociferous critic of captive hunt facilities. In an email, Director of Wildlife Protection Samantha Hagio called them “one of the worst forms of trophy hunting . . . for wealthy shooters who don’t want to get their boots scuffed by putting in the time, skill, and effort that fair chase hunting requires.” Apart from the toll on the overall cervid populations, CWD could significantly impact rural communities that rely on venison for subsistence, she notes, adding she’d like to see them abolished outright. NDA would like to see them better regulated; it has called on Pennsylvania’s agriculture department to turn management over to the state’s game commission, which it says is better able to enforce rules.
Processor Challenges
The Food Bank Council of Michigan partners with Michigan Sportsmen Against Hunger to distribute venison to its seven regional food banks. Kath Clark, director of the organization’s food programs, says there’s been a huge uptick in donations, thanks in part to conveniently located drop-off points that make it easy for hunters to pass along deer they can’t eat themselves. In 2020, the Council received 100,000 pounds of ground venison, up from less than 30,000 pounds in 2016—the equivalent of about 400,000 meals. “High-quality protein is at such a premium right now [that] it’s been hard to get in our food banks,” Clark says.
CWD in Virginia, which is infiltrating from neighboring West Virginia, is also adding “extra work for the processors, who’ve got to take the head off each animal that was donated to us, process it separately, box it separately.”
The hitch: Some area meat processors have stopped accepting venison because of the potential risk of cross-contamination from CWD to other meat they’re handling. “That really does put a dent in our hunters’ ability to process [deer] and starts limiting donations,” Clark says.
Gary Arrington, director of a Virginia-based venison donation program called Hunters for the Hungry, says he’s seen a downturn in donations recently, to about 5,000 deer per year. The deer are certainly out there—in fact, there are overpopulations in his and other states. But in addition to some hunters aging out of the activity, Arrington says that rising grocery prices means “more hunters are harvesting extra deer and keeping them for themselves or giving them to family and friends,” rather than donating them to the emergency food sector. That means processor fridges are already out of space when Arrington comes around with what donations he has been able to secure.
CWD in Virginia, which is infiltrating from neighboring West Virginia, is also adding “extra work for the processors, who’ve got to take the head off each animal that was donated to us, process it separately, box it separately,” Arrington says. Like processors in Michigan, they may soon decide it’s not worth the effort.
Further exacerbating his organization’s ability to donate venison is the tanking economy, which Arrington says has led to fewer cash donations to cover processing fees for donated deer. “Right now, many are saying, ‘We can’t [give] $50 or $100 to a charity; we’re having a hard time making ends meet,’” he says. “That hurts us on the other side of the coin.”
Meanwhile, in Richland Center, Wisconsin, at least one processor has stopped taking venison donations due to a wholly unrelated challenge: not enough staff, a COVID-era problem across the food service sector that is aggravating the donation situation. Nevertheless, Annear plans to spend some time this coming fall culling deer near Green Bay, where the population is exploding, and at least trying to donate most of his harvest. He says CWD hasn’t been detected yet in that part of the state, adding, “But I assume that’s only just a matter of time.”
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]]>The post Can Produce Prescription Programs Turn the Tide on Diet-Related Disease? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The 61-year-old African American woman arrived at the health clinic with high blood pressure, prediabetes, and worries about kidney failure—a concern for prediabetics with insulin resistance.
She told Dr. Steven Chen that she wanted to learn to take care of her body, lose weight, and eat right. He signed her up for a produce prescription that gave her free fresh, local fruits and vegetables, along with a suite of parallel interventions, like exercise. In just four months, says Chen, the woman was no longer prediabetic, and she saw a significant drop in her insulin levels, along with a huge improvement to her kidneys.
“We had a window to get her off that track and towards health,” he adds. The intervention “helped her build success and agency” that will potentially have long-lasting, positive effects on her life.
To those with limited resources, “healthy foods [are perceived] as luxury items. That has downstream implications for obesity, diabetes, and other chronic diseases.”
It seems like a straightforward proposition that Americans should eat more fruits and vegetables. Millions of us experience diet-related diseases such as obesity (78 million), hypertension (67 million), and diabetes (29 million), and 85 percent of U.S. healthcare spending now goes to these types of “chronic, progressive, and preventable health conditions.” But making this connection is easier said than done, especially since limited access to produce is often tied to food insecurity, which means low-income folks take the hardest hit.
This in spite of many worthy interventions over the years: The National Farm to School Network helped to expand the amount of local produce making its way into the National School Lunch Program, which provides free or reduced-price meals to almost 30 million low-income students a day; Double Up Food Bucks gives extra benefits to purchase produce to some recipients of the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s (USDA) Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits, formerly known as food stamps; and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC) provides vouchers to low-income moms and young kids for healthy foods including produce.
Why aren’t these programs making enough health headway? To those with limited resources, “healthy foods [are perceived] as luxury items. That has downstream implications for obesity, diabetes, and other chronic diseases,” says Hilary Seligman, a professor of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco (UCSF). And she, like many others, believe it’s time for the healthcare sector to step up.
One response to this call has been produce prescription programs (PPRs in USDA parlance). They’re part of a broader “food as health” effort—including medically tailored meals and free distribution of local produce—meant to address the double-whammy of poor health and food insecurity across the country. PPRs in particular “envision an ecosystem in which healthy food becomes a part of healthcare because it’s such an important part of your health,” Seligman says. And they’re being met with optimism “because [they] maintain a lot of the dignity of shopping for yourself and choosing your own foods.”
PPR Program Basics
In simplest terms, PPRs—which may alternatively be referred to as PPPs or Produce Rx, and which Civil Eats has reported on since they first began to emerge—allow clinicians to prescribe fresh produce to low-income patients with diet-related health risks or conditions.
A person with diabetes might walk into a community health center, meet with a doctor or nurse practitioner who ask a series of targeted questions, receive a prescription and a voucher for, say, $10 worth of produce for the week, and then redeem the voucher at a participating grocery store or farmers’ market. Some programs (like Chen’s) have additional components, such as exercise classes and training for medical staff. Ideally, a person’s health insurance provider pays for it all.
Since in 2019, USDA’s Gus Schumacher Nutrition Incentive Program (GusNIP), which received funding for five years through the last farm bill, has been providing competitive grants for PPRs.
The National Produce Prescription Collaborative estimates that there are 108 PPRs operating in 38 states, although Amy Yaroch, executive director of the Gretchen Swanson Center for Nutrition in Omaha, believes these numbers are higher. The vast majority of PPRs are funded primarily with private dollars, and the approaches vary widely—some might provide only fruit and vegetables, while others allow for less-specific “healthier foods.”
Since in 2019, USDA’s Gus Schumacher Nutrition Incentive Program (GusNIP), which received funding for five years through the last farm bill, has been providing competitive grants for PPRs. This is where Yaroch and the Gretchen Swanson Center come in. Assisted by Seligman’s team at UCSF and other partners, the center will oversee GusNIP’s reporting and evaluation, and analyze the long-term impact of these prescription programs. So far, “self-reported health is trending in the right direction,” Yaroch says. But starting next year, when data from year two starts to roll in, “we’ll have more objective measures.”
There are several advantages to GusNIP’s model, says Yaroch. For starters, anyone who gets a grant must have much-needed partnerships built into their program: a supermarket that accepts produce vouchers; clinicians working in the public health sector to do assessments and write prescriptions; and a health insurance provider who pays for the care. GusNIP grantees are also encouraged to offer nutrition education to patients.
This latter intervention has received criticism in the past for being out of touch with, and unwanted by, recipients, as has what some food policy analysts say is an inequity in the way GusNIP dollars are parceled out. But, “it’s evolved to be very innovative,” says Yaroch, and to engage with community members about their needs.
PPRs in Practice
Chen is the chief medical officer at ALL IN Alameda County, a public health program that has covered a wide swath of the east side of the San Francisco Bay Area since 2014; ALL IN is now also a GusNIP grantee for its PPR initiative. It has honed its practices over the years to what Chen calls a “three-ingredient” approach.
First, prescriptions are written for 16 weekly bags of produce for low-income participants who have any one of a number of cardio-metabolic or behavioral conditions; the prescriptions are filled for free and delivered by a local regenerative farm, which has the added benefit of reducing transportation barriers. Second, through ALL IN’s “behavioral pharmacy,” patients take exercise and movement classes; learn healthful produce prep, stress reduction, and mindfulness practices; and visit with a medical advisor to refine their recommended activities. Finally, clinicians and clinic staff receive food-as-medicine training.
“Nutrition training should be part of your job the same way pharmaceuticals are part of your job.”
“We are trying to train folks who’ve been practicing medicine for 20 years,” Chen says. “Most of us clinicians, if we don’t get this training, we develop the habit of seeing the world as nails and we’re a hammer: ‘Just do what I say.’” Clinicians experience the behavioral pharmacy much as their patients do, with cooking demos and meditation, among other activities. “That usually then opens their mindset to say, ‘Oh, wow, that’d be amazing for my patients,’” Chen says. They also learn to screen for food insecurity.
Seligman believes this kind of clinician involvement is essential. “Nutrition training should be part of your job the same way pharmaceuticals are part of your job,” she says.
ALL IN received seed money from the Alameda Alliance for Health, one of a number of health insurance companies with a deep interest in learning how PPRs affect patient health. An important leap of faith came from California’s CalAIM—an initiative to transform its version of Medicaid—which allows state health plans to accept “non-traditional” interventions, including food-based options.
In North Carolina, Blue Cross/Blue Shield is running its own privately funded PPR program pilot called Eat Well. It provides $40 worth of produce vouchers per week, for a year, to 5,000 people with hypertension and incomes between 100 and 250 percent of the federal poverty level. The vouchers can be redeemed at Food Lion grocery stores, which are ubiquitous across the state.
“We are interested in looking at smaller populations with certain chronic conditions and different income eligibility to see what is that impact. How many people do we help? Were there any reductions in unnecessary ER [visits]?” says program lead Kaylah Epps. Insurers increasingly see funding preventative care via PPRs as cost effective, compared to pricey treatments, says Yaroch.
The Need for More Research
The difference in approaches among PPR programs, though, is a pain point for data collectors like Yaroch. Even within GusNIP-funded programs, there’s a lack of coordination, which makes outcomes hard to measure, she says. “Is the nutrition education component going to be a cooking class? Is it a weekly diabetes prevention program? What’s the amount of incentive needed? Is it $20 a week? $40 a week? What is the secret recipe?”
In an effort to get things standardized, the Gretchen Swanson Center created some shared metrics, hoping to make apples-to-apples comparisons among GusNIP-funded programs. Since GusNIP was made a permanent fixture of the Farm Bill in 2018, Yaroch is hoping that PPRs continue to be a mainstay of its grantmaking—and perhaps even get a monetary boost in the 2023 Farm Bill, after analyzed data (presumably) shows their benefit.
The center is awaiting a batch of data so it can start measuring the impacts of produce consumption on things like hemoglobin A1C, which indicates blood sugar levels, and body mass index, a measure of body fat. It’s hoping to eventually gain insights into metrics like “dosage”—how much produce is ideal for a patient to receive—and how many produce prescription refills are needed to make a difference in patients’ long-term health.
Meanwhile, Yaroch sees another big benefit to PPR programs: local economic impact. In its second year of operation, GusNIP’s PPR programs generated $1.1 million in sales for grocers, farmers’ markets, and other local outlets. “Everyone has a right to healthy food,” Yaroch says. “But who doesn’t like an incentive?”
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]]>The post A New Approach to Keep Former Foster Youth from Facing Food Insecurity appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>At the age of 7, Santos Amigon entered the foster care system in his home state of California. After stays with foster families didn’t work out, he spent most of the years until he turned 18 in group homes with other foster kids. Now 25, Amigon has been couch surfing for years and says being able to afford food, and knowing how to prepare it, prove to be continuous challenges—just two of the ways the foster system failed to prepare him for an independent life.
“They go from telling you what to do and how to do it to saying, ‘Figure it out on your own, now,’” Amigon says. “I didn’t know how to [get] my driver’s license; I don’t know how to change a tire on a car; I don’t know how to grocery shop.”
Even though he’s managed to earn income from warehouse jobs and sign up for CalFresh— California’s version of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits—this is insufficient to feed him for a full month. On occasion, he has ordered hot food at a grocery store counter and stuffed it into his backpack. “I don’t like to steal,” he says. “But I know what it’s like to be hungry.”
“They go from telling you what to do and how to do it to saying, ‘Figure it out on your own, now.’ I didn’t know how to [get] my driver’s license . . . I don’t know how to grocery shop.”
Amigon is not alone. According to nonprofit National Foster Youth Institute (NFYI), where he is now an intern, 33 percent of surveyed former foster youth in California said they experienced food insecurity when they left the system. A report from the Center for the Study of Social Policy (CSSP) estimates that this number is potentially much higher nationwide; it found that 30 percent of former foster youth receive SNAP and other food assistance, but that as many as 71 percent might actually need it, based on Medicaid-funded program enrollments that indicate broader financial insecurity.
Some 23,000 adolescents in the U.S. transition out of the foster system every year. Whether they’re 18 when that happens—or a few years older in states with extended programs—they receive little education in caring for themselves as “grown-ups.” What they need, says Jacqueline Burbank, NYFI’s director of communications, are “training wheels so that when [they] have a setback or fail, they’re not just hitting rock bottom.”
The question is: What would that sort of safety provision look like?
The root cause of food insecurity is poverty. But poverty’s drivers and exacerbators can vary among populations; college students may find themselves food insecure after purchasing books and school supplies, while seniors can experience an income nosedive when they retire, leaving them short on grocery money.
Kids entering the foster system have likely started their lives in low-income Black, brown, or Indigenous households. Foster care doesn’t necessarily change their status; in fact, kids removed from their own family homes may be living with foster families (including so-called “kinship” caregivers like grandparents) whose incomes are below the federal poverty line and who are therefore vulnerable to food insecurity, too.
Additionally, foster kids may move more than once. “Their homes change, their caregivers change, the rules change, mealtimes change, meals change,” Burbank says. “Access to food might not be consistent.”
Because of all the challenges they face, youth who’ve spent time in foster care are more likely to experience homelessness, criminal justice involvement, low rates of timely high school and college graduation, and incomes below the poverty line. They are “disproportionately drawn from families living in poverty. And we typically stay in poverty,” says Burbank, who spent her childhood in kinship care. She considers herself fortunate that, upon aging out, she had access to CalFresh and a computer she could use to locate food pantries. And so the narrative comes full circle—from poverty, back to poverty and the ways in which it encourages and reinforces food insecurity.
There’s evidence to suggest that having a literal home base can mitigate against food insecurity. An adolescent who’s living in her car or sleeping on friends’ couches is in a poor position to shop for food or cook meals. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) issues waivers so states can allow SNAP recipients to buy hot food rather than groceries, but they tend to be sought after disasters and other emergencies and are temporary.
College, for those who find their way there, can provide some stability. But Mauriell Amechi, a senior policy analyst at New America and social scientist who researches educational pathways among former foster youth, points out that 6 in 10 foster kids matriculate in community colleges, which don’t usually provide housing. Even when they do, “housing instability is a very complex issue for these students,” Amechi says. The homes of former foster parents are no longer available to them to return to during holiday breaks, and lacking family support, “they don’t have anywhere to go, so they end up sleeping in their cars.” This became an all-too-common scenario when the pandemic began and closed down campuses in March 2020.
For former foster youth to succeed, Amechi says, colleges must “take a critical approach to serving all the needs of students beyond just providing instruction. We have to make sure students don’t have to [choose between] going to class or working their job in order to put food on the table.” That starts with identifying students with foster care backgrounds on their campuses—potentially as easy as adding a question to a student survey—then reaching out to make sure they’re receiving all the financial supports they’re qualified for.
“We have to make sure students don’t have to [choose between] going to class or working their job in order to put food on the table.”
Federally funded, state-administered Chafee Education and Training Vouchers, for example, give former foster youth $5,000 a year for five years to spend on post-secondary education, up to the age of 26. States may offer education monies of their own. For example, California’s Educational Opportunity Program offers financial and other supports, such as advising and mentoring, to disadvantaged students including those who have spent time in the foster system.
Also important is figuring out how to provide housing for students over holidays and summers. Even community colleges, Amechi says, could reach out to housing and residential life departments at nearby four-year colleges and say, “We have 25 students that need housing over winter break. Is there any way we can work with your institution to provide that?”
Some experts say that reducing food insecurity among former foster youth requires a similar approach to reducing it among any other population: namely, increasing the amount of monthly SNAP benefits to actually reflect what groceries cost, so recipients like Amigon don’t have to resort to more desperate approaches to feeding themselves.
However, there are some extra barriers to SNAP access experienced by former foster youth. One of the most significant is the Time Limit for Able-Bodied Adults Without Dependents (ABAWDs). Under this restriction, a single, healthy person between the ages of 18 and 49 who is not working at least 80 hours a month can only receive three months’ worth of SNAP benefits within a three-year period.
“This is a very harsh penalty for youth aging out of foster care,” write the authors of the CSSP report, noting that unemployment rates among this population run high; only three-fifths are employed by age 24, and their wages also tend to be much lower than others their age. Exacerbating the issue, the report notes, “Youth transitioning to adulthood can easily fall into a gap—supports . . . have traditionally ended at age 18, but many federal services and benefits for adults were designed for older individuals or parents.” The USDA granted ABAWD waivers to states during the pandemic; CSSP and other advocates would like to see former foster youth up to age 26 permanently exempted from ABAWD.
Offering youth who are about to age out mentorship that includes information on applying for SNAP and other benefits would also help them transition to independence. Amigon says he wishes he’d been connected with a professional with lived experience similar to his, “Somebody I can relate to who’s like, ‘Hey, I’ve been there, I know what it’s like, this is what worked for me, and this is what didn’t,’” he says. Burbank says adult foster youth who are aging out also need a caseworker to help ease them into independence.
Both Burbank and Amigon would like to see more attention given to setting up life skills programs that include teaching foster youth how to do things like feed themselves. “Someone should take you to the supermarket to show you how much food actually costs and not sugarcoat it. The reality is, it’s not always going to be three square meals a day,” says Amigon.
“We’re raising a generation that doesn’t know how to prepare meals because no one [in the system] teaches you how to cook.”
Erika Shira, a clinician in private practice who works with the Massachusetts Department of Children and Families and has also served as a foster parent, says this kind of skills-building doesn’t currently happen within the system at all “unless the foster parent is teaching it—and foster parents who kick kids out when they’re 18 are not the kind of people who are like, ‘I’m going to teach you to grocery shop.’”
Adds Burbank, “We’re raising a generation that doesn’t know how to prepare meals because no one [in the system] teaches you how to cook.”
“We’re taking their children from them because they’re poor, then placing them with other families, and giving those families financial assistance that still might not be enough to take care of these kids. It’s beyond ironic, and where does it end? Just give [parents] money.”
Shira likens the foster care system to “the proverbial town where people are jumping off a cliff, so they park an ambulance at the bottom of it.” Shira describes the U.S.’s approach to kids aging out of foster care as a “massive societal and policy flaw.” Much more beneficial, both Shira and Burbank argue, is for every state to offer extended care, which is currently available in only 26 states, plus Washington, D.C. Or, better still, starting way back at the beginning, would be to make much more concerted efforts to keep kids with their parents, or returning them as quickly as possible.
While reunification of parents and children is almost always the goal of foster care, certain unfortunate nuances exist. Burbank says the system offers training and support to parents struggling with mental health challenges and substance abuse. But some cases of “neglect,” such as lack of consistent meals or housing, “have to do with the family’s lack of resources to pay for those things,” she says. “We’re taking their children from them because they’re poor, then placing them with other families, and giving those families financial assistance that still might not be enough to take care of these kids. It’s beyond ironic, and where does it end? Just give [parents] money.”
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]]>The post Can Farmers Help Each Other Navigate Mental Health Crises? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Chris Frakes spent childhood summers on her grandparents’ corn and soy farm in Iowa, and she vividly remembers the devastation of the 1980s farm crisis. In that one decade, some 300,000 farmers defaulted on their loans and many were forced to shutter their operations forever.
“I watched my uncle struggle as [he] nearly lost the family farm, then we had a couple of farmer suicides that really rocked the community,” says Frakes, who is now the project director of Farm Well Wisconsin, which offers behavioral and wellness services across the state. “So, farmer mental health has been this concern that I’ve had my whole adult life.”
“Seeking out mental health services, therapy, that’s certainly not within a lot of farmers’ up-bringing. Their mindset is independence and autonomy.”
The pandemic and all its challenges, along with mounting anxiety about the impacts of climate change, have triggered another series of crises, in and out of the agriculture community. As a result, demand for mental health services, especially for anxiety and depression, has seen a massive uptick. A poll conducted on behalf of the American Farm Bureau Federation found that 61 percent of farmers and farm workers said they experienced more stress and mental health challenges in 2021 than they did in 2020; new NIH research indicates that they may have an elevated risk of suicide to boot.
And yet, folks who work in ag are often loath to admit they need emotional support or more concerted behavioral care, let alone to ask for it. “Seeking out mental health services, therapy, that’s certainly not within a lot of farmers’ up-bringing,” says Lisa Misch, director of farmer outreach and technical assistance at Rural Advancement Foundation International-USA (RAFI-USA). “Their mindset is independence and autonomy.”
Nevertheless, an increasing number of farm-related groups are actively working to reduce the stigma around mental health services and to increase farmer access to resources that will help them, before feelings of hopelessness become overwhelming.
While every workplace has its stressors, farming includes several uniquely disquieting aspects. “For farmers, there’s the element of livelihood, there’s the element of their housing, and then there’s the element of legacy,” says Misch. “Either multiple generations before them have been [on the land] or they’re trying to build something to leave to future generations. There’s a lot at stake, and a lot of pride in the work that can get mixed into not wanting to show they might not be succeeding.” The all-too-common response to this perception of personal failure is shame.
The Wisconsin Women in Conservation (WiWiC), a three-year collaborative project among several organizations, just this year decided that the time had come for them to act. In addition to the project’s efforts to boost the profile of Wisconsin’s 38,000-plus women producers, WiWiC has started offering courses in a behavioral health strategy that may well be uniquely suited to farmers: They’re training their members in peer-to-peer mental health support.
In five two-hour initiatives throughout the state over the course of two months, WiWiC will coach up to 30 women at a time to recognize signs of stress in farmers, teaching them how to actively listen for clues that an emotional crisis might be brewing. To do this, they’re using a program called Changing Our Mental and Emotional Trajectory (COMET), which was developed in 2014 at the High Plains Research Network, and which serves eastern Colorado’s rural and frontier communities. These regions, like Wisconsin’s, have a preponderance of people working in ag and a dearth of mental health care providers. “So, it’s up to community members to help fill some of those gaps,” says Chris Frakes, who took the COMET training in 2021 and whose organization has since trained about 150 farmers and rural community members; Farm Well Wisconsin is also facilitating WiWiC’s COMET workshops.
Wisconsin Women in Conservation practices a peer-to-peer, highly interactive model called a “Learning Circle.” Women are encouraged to share challenges and advice. (Photo courtesy of Wisconsin Farmers Union)
Through COMET, farmers and other locals—for instance, the owner of the hardware store and staff at the public school—learn to ask gentle but probing questions of their friends and neighbors during the normal course of conversation. They may tell a socially isolated farmer that they’ve missed her at the diner lately, then ask, “How are you, really?” says Maret Felzein, a member of HPRN’s Community Advisory Council who helped fine-tune the COMET curriculum. Questions culminate in asking the person who’s struggling if they’d be open to hearing a story about a similar challenge, or if they’d be willing to talk again. “It’s an invitation to engage,” Felzein says.
“Truth be told, even family and friends can be like, ‘Why are you working every weekend? Why can’t you leave the farm for vacation?’ You’re always in triage mode on a farm.”
Sara George, a WiWiC regional coordinator, says this kind of strategy lines up with the very particular needs of the farming community. “There are farmer helplines out there; there’s mental health support groups.” (Farm Aid, for example, maintains an online list of resources.) “But I think building up a network in a community is so much more relevant,” George says.
Part of this, she says, has to do with the fact that the person on the other end of a crisis hotline might not have a background in ag, or understand its pressures. “Truth be told, even family [members] and friends can be like, ‘Why are you working every weekend? Why can’t you leave the farm for vacation?’” George says. “[They don’t understand that] you’ve got irrigation pipes that are breaking, animals that are dying, and crops that have an infestation of bugs. You’re always in triage mode on a farm.”
When it comes to support groups, Misch says competition between farmers can also be an inhibitor. “You don’t always want to tell another farmer, ‘We are facing issues,’ because that can lead to certain farmers knocking on the door asking to buy your land. There needs to be a level of confidentiality.” Isolation, and the can-do ethic that makes many farmers determined to suffer in silence, compounds the challenge of getting folks the help they need.
COMET is just one tool in the behavioral health arsenal for those with a stake in keeping the ag community emotionally sound. RAFI-USA favors a practical approach. “When we think about mental health outreach, we’re looking at it through the lens of farm stress,” says Misch. Through their Farm Advocacy program, which has been a cornerstone of the organization’s work since its founding in 1990, they guide farmers in navigating any number of business disasters: loan acceleration, pending bankruptcy, natural disasters, crop losses, and others.
The organization’s lead farmer advocate—himself a survivor of the 1980s farm crisis—lends an ear, then counsels a farmer on what options might be available. Says Misch, “If it’s a loan acceleration, maybe they could [reorganize their finances by filing a] Chapter 12 [bankruptcy], which would allow them to keep farming [on their land]. Sometimes the goal is to retain assets when they get out of farming, or it’s, ‘We’re keeping this land no matter what.’”
“All the work you do in agricultural safety and health is important. But if you don’t address farm stress, all your other work to prevent illness, injury, and fatality doesn’t mean anything.”
After meeting with the advocate, farmers often say, “They got the best night’s sleep they’ve had in a long time because they had a way forward,” Misch says. An additional benefit: A farmer who’s learned how to navigate a complex array of farm regulations is now able to pass that info on to other farmers, creating what Misch calls a multiplying effect.
The North Carolina Agromedicine Institute has been developing mental health services in the ag realm for about 10 years—including with migrant farmworkers, who experience another series of challenges when it comes to getting any sort of help, including language and financial barriers. The Institute’s focus on farm stress in particular all started, says director Robin Tutor Marcom, “with a farm woman who said to me, ‘All the work you do in agricultural safety and health is important. But if you don’t address farm stress, all your other work to prevent illness, injury, and fatality doesn’t mean anything.’”
The institute offers free substance abuse programming, as well as a limited number of free therapy sessions to those who need them. They’ve trained 140 cooperative extension agents in Mental Health First Aid. And they use another sort of peer-to-peer training, called Farmer-to-Farmer. When a farmer is referred to the institute they are screened for depression, stress, and anxiety. Then they’re matched with a peer, if that’s what’s in order.
“We try hard to match on their agricultural commodity, and whether they have children or not,” says Marcom. “Maybe they are a person of faith and want someone else who has that background.” A bit of physical distance is essential, so there’s no perceived competition; peers live several counties away, and conversations happen by phone or video call. And although both farm men and women take the peer training, “It’s our farm women who are taking ownership of the program,” Marcom says.
Stephanie Schneider, a Conservation Coach at WiWiC, at her Together Farms with her white park cattle. (Photo courtesy of Wisconsin Farmers Union)
The program helps farm women feel like they’re lending critical support to their communities—and in time, and with additional training, it could lead to paid work. But this kind of “third shift” work also comes with a downside. “We’re already doing the childcare, cooking, shopping, cleaning, and working a fulltime job and adding [mental-health support] to it feels heavy,” says WiWiC’s George. The COMET training, however, will allow women who participate “to put a focus on how to recognize mental health flags and know what to do with them, so we don’t carry that and lose sleep at night.” They’ll learn to help with care, and a bit of “professional” detachment.
Although federal, state, and private money to fund farmer mental health has become more abundant lately, sustainability is very much on the minds of those who run these programs. FEMA COVID disaster money provided short-term funds for states to institute Crisis Counseling Assistance and Training, to help residents experiencing pandemic-induced stress and anxiety. Wisconsin received more than $4.5 million to run such a program, some of which was used to pay for crisis counselors for farmers, through June 2021.
The Farm and Ranch Stress Assistance Network (FRSAN), which is overseen by the USDA’s National Institute of Food and Agriculture, provides competitive grants for distribution through four regional agricultural hubs for the purpose of connecting members of the ag community to programs that offer behavioral health counseling. It awarded $25 million in grants to 50 projects in 2021, up from $19 million in 2019; COMET training has been funded in some places in this way. There has also been grant money from the Department of Health & Human Services Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA).
“We need funds . . . to get more farmers services upfront [so they don’t get to a point of crisis to begin with]. At some point, there has to be some attempt to address [the roots of] farm stress itself.”
But funding otherwise comes from the states and from private coffers. Marcom’s institute, for example, has received master settlement money from the North Carolina Tobacco Trust Fund Commission and the Corn Growers Association of North Carolina, in addition to FRSAN, to fund behavioral health programs. The need to seek out new funding periodically leaves the future of COMET and other farmer mental health programs uncertain.
Perhaps even more important to address, though, are the core causes of anxiety and depression. “We need funds . . . to get more farmers services upfront,” so they don’t get to a point of crisis to begin with, says Misch. “At some point, there has to be some attempt to address [the roots of] farm stress itself.” Real estate bubbles that cause insecure land tenure, the unpredictable commodity markets, climate extremes, poor access to health care, rural isolation, and exposure to pesticides could all play a role. USDA’s Sustainable Agriculture and Research Education office (SARE) is funding a RAFI-USA pilot project on farmer financial strain, which is an important step in that direction. But for the time being, a more detailed roadmap—let alone the funding to build it up—has yet to manifest.
If you or someone you know needs immediate mental health support, there are a number of national hotlines available:
• Farm Aid Hotline: 800-FARM-AID (327-6243) – Monday-Friday 9 a.m. – 5 p.m. ET
• National Suicide Prevention Lifeline: 800-273-TALK (8255) – 24/7/365
• 211, a comprehensive hotline that connects callers with local resources
• 911 in an emergency
Farm Aid has an extensive list of resources on its Farmer Resource Network website, and the Rural Health Information Hub also maintains a detailed page dedicated to farmer mental health and suicide prevention.
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]]>The post An Inside Look at Union Organizing in the Fast Food Industry appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>July 22, 2022 update: This week, Chipotle permanently closed a store in Maine that had tried to form a union, raising alarms among union organizers working in other Chipotle stores.
On a cool, sunny morning in early October, a small group of Chipotle workers gathered in the deeply shadowed entrance to the Queens Center Mall in New York City. They sipped takeout coffee and nervously discussed the day’s strategy with an organizer from 32BJ Service Employees International Union (SEIU), a labor union representing 175,000 service employees that has been attempting to organize fast-food workers for the last few years.
Their plan was simple: They’d start their protest here around 10 a.m. and, hopefully, more of their colleagues would be on the way after they finished classes or took care of other non-work-related duties. The group planned to protest the wages they lost for the nine days of work they missed in early September when Hurricane Ida flooded the basement level food court where Chipotle shares space with Chick-fil-A, Panda Express, McDonald’s, and other exemplars of 21st-century mall cuisine.
Chipotle “waited a whole week to tell us” the store would remain closed, says Caren Guzman, a veteran crew member and recent community college graduate. “Then they said they wouldn’t pay us [for the days unworked].” The company did not respond to requests for comment on this story, but Guzman says the closure cost her $600 in lost wages—more than half her portion of rent on an apartment that she shares with her mother. The store’s 20 other crew members, most of whom earn New York City’s $15 hourly minimum wage, were similarly strapped.
Wage theft, unsafe work environments, last-minute shift changes, and firings for no clear reason are just some of the unethical, if not illegal, indignities fast-food workers say they endure in the U.S. The situation has only gotten worse since the COVID epidemic began, and that fact has lead to mass walkouts across the country as well as widespread labor shortages in the foodservice industry.
There’s no “shortage of people who can do the jobs, it’s that the jobs are terrible,” said Suzanne Adely, co-director of the Food Chain Workers Alliance. Fast-food workers were being exposed to COVID; “They also realized that they’re not just being left unprotected—that their health didn’t matter to their employers—but that they were getting shit wages for their work.”
The fact that protests are occurring even in New York City—which has enacted hard-won, union-boosted worker protection legislation including Just Cause and Fair Workweek laws—and even at a chain like Chipotle, which promises to serve customers “food with integrity,” underscores the uphill work of union organizers. The strike at the Queens store was just one in a string of actions in the past two years in response to transgressions at New York area Chipotles—and it was part of a larger, longer, more concerted effort from union organizers to force fast-food chains to do better by their workers. This transient and vulnerable labor pool has historically proved tricky to organize; unions such as 32BJ hope they can convince them that better wages and less stressed lives are on the horizon, if only they make their voices heard.
Attempts to organize fast-food workers date back to the early ‘80s and a little-known union contract that was won by workers at an eatery in Detroit’s Greyhound bus station, says Alex Han, a longtime labor organizer who’s now a Bargaining for the Common Good fellow at Georgetown University’s Kalmanovitz Initiative for Labor and the Working Poor.
There have certainly been other efforts since. 32BJ has been active in this arena for the past nine years and is part of a larger national push to organize the sector. To date, however, a union contract recently established at the small West Coast chain Burgerville is a rarity. Current bids owe a lot to a broader, non-union “Fight for $15” campaign that launched in Chicago in 2012 among restaurant and retail workers, Han says. With that campaign following an enormous teachers strike, movement engendered movement as one set of workers inspired others. Solidarity was also forged as lines blurred between various types of low-wage service employment.
“People go from a job at McDonald’s to a job at H&M to driving for Uber,” says Han. This sort of transience highlights one reason that organizing fast-food workers is so tricky. Conventional wisdom holds that these jobs are transitional, not career-centric, for teens and other young people destined for more “professional” futures. But that’s a reality, if not a mindset, that Han says shifted after the 2008 financial crisis; fast food workers now may be supporting families, working multiple jobs to make ends meet, and/or taking college classes that require flexible schedules.
Additionally, Han says, “Whenever you have a workforce that is disproportionately female, people of color, immigrants, young people, you’re always going to have a bigger challenge organizing them.” These workers can be hamstrung by fear, a lack of legal knowledge, and disbelief in their power to change their situation, causing many to remain silent about their plight.
Union organizers use a variety of methods to show employees the benefits of coming together to demand better working conditions, with an eye toward helping them take ownership of the process. They might make contact by “salting”: when a trained organizer gets a job at a fast-food restaurant and begins “mapping the workplace” identifying leaders who employees gravitate toward and listen to, according to Luis Feliz Leon, a staff writer and organizer at Labor Notes.
“The organizer who is salting then builds a committee of worker leaders on the basis of having mapped the workplace to identify how workers organize themselves into social networks or workplace structures,” says Feliz Leon.
Tactics can be more basic, such as giving an organizer’s contact information to employees after closing time and letting them know that “we exist and we’re here for you,” says one Chipotle employee at the Queens Center Mall who requested anonymity. The worker said they began chatting with a 32BJ organizer two years ago.
When a store’s conditions escalate from merely lousy—no air conditioning in summer or heat in winter, no pandemic hazard pay, or a failure to pay legally mandated premiums of $75 for shift schedules changed within 24 hours—to dangerous or fiscally ruinous, now-trusted organizers are on call to offer advice on potential actions and explain basic worker rights.
“Not many people know what their rights are at work, in part because you have webs of state and federal and local law. . . . But also, every right is only as valid as the strength we have to enforce it. There’s no regulatory body to enforce all the laws we already have on the books,” Han says.
32BJ sees Chipotle as a prime target for organizing because its stores are company-owned—as opposed to franchises like McDonald’s—which makes it directly responsible for the working conditions of its approximately 97,000 employees, says Manny Pastreich, 32BJ’s secretary and treasurer. Chipotle has also allegedly broken New York’s worker protection laws: A 32BJ and National Consumers League report found evidence of sexual harassment, Fair Workweek violations, and retaliation against workers taking paid sick leave.
In 2020, 32BJ helped employees at a Manhattan Chipotle protest being made to work while sick during the pandemic. A few months later, workers at another Manhattan store went on strike because of a rat infestation that led to several crew members being bitten. Another very recent strike protested drastically reduced work hours and understaffing. “Nobody wants to strike,” says Pastreich. “Our goal is to figure out how to make change collectively, where people can continue to do their jobs, provide the service they’re being paid to do, and support their families.”
In September, workers at the Queens Center Mall say they received a blanket refusal from Chipotle to compensate them for wages lost due to the flood. Emboldened by reports of the union’s help with the rat situation, they sent a text to a 32BJ organizer who’d already made contact. “I [asked] him: What would he say about the situation we had?” says Guzman. “From there, he gave us a call and told us how it is unfair, and Chipotle shouldn’t be doing that to us. They should be paying us.”
The organizer “took command” and asked for the phone numbers of trusted crew members, says the anonymous employee. “He had us talking and sharing stories, and that empowered us even more. Then he said, ‘Why don’t we have a protest?’”
By 10 a.m., as planned, nine Chipotle crew members were assembled and had already scored a minor victory: Two workers sent to cover for the striking employees had been convinced to turn around and go home. On the downside, four workers had committed to this morning’s shift, presumably afraid of retaliation. About a dozen organizers from 32BJ began to arrive, wearing purple-colored union garb. Two began handing out fliers to pedestrians explaining the reason for the strike. One brought a megaphone to his face to lead call-and-response chants.
“He was a big morale booster because everyone was scared that day. We had no idea what was going to happen,” says the anonymous crew member. Everyone picked up homemade signs and began circling in front of the mall’s doors.
Part of the point of this kind of protest is to set the workers up to take a leadership role the next time, Han says. “It’s essentially an opportunity to train and educate people on the building blocks” of a strike, he says. “Part of it is people understanding and taking on any role they need to take on—for people to collectively make a plan about how to move through physically and message-wise. A union is a group of workers asserting power; that doesn’t happen in an ad hoc, improvised way.”
By the time of a strike, organizers have also “inoculated” employees by counseling them on how management is likely to respond and trying to blunt the impact to give them the confidence to move forward with their protest. “At the end of the day, people have to take risks and they’re really, really meaningful,” Han says. “Even getting your hours cut is a really scary situation.”
The advantage of being under the wing of a “big union bureaucracy” like 32BJ is that it has legal resources and the political clout to pull in elected officials and regulatory bodies. “I remember one of the first fast-food worker strikes at a Wendy’s in Brooklyn [in 2012] and getting texted photos of [then-NYC councilmember] Jumaane Williams sitting in until there was a resolution,” Han says. “Being part of a big organization can bring that to bear.”
“There’s a fight in the restaurant community to increase wages, and that’s really, really important,” says Adely of the Food Chain Workers Alliance. “But added to that is the fact that—no matter if you’re working in a restaurant, or in meat processing, or fast food—nothing can take the place of having an organized workforce, so people can have a say in how things are done on a day to day basis in your workplace, and being able to collectively bargain with your employer.”
The Chipotle crew at the Queens Center Mall wound up striking all day. After that, they say the corporate response was swift. Each crew member was spoken to individually, but no offer of wage compensation was forthcoming. The store’s much-respected general manager was allegedly blamed by the company for the strike by not adequately explaining store policy to his workers; crew members feared he’d be fired because of their actions.
“That tactic of ‘Don’t do this again or the baby dies,’ is a really smart way to handle it if you’re an employer,” says Han.
Nevertheless, crew members haven’t given up hope of a bigger, better resolution. “I don’t know everyone else’s goals or agenda but my hope and dream is to have a union for fast-food workers,” said the anonymous crew member—a dream likely shared by Starbucks workers striking this fall in Buffalo and McDonald’s workers in 10 cities, who went on strike October 26—not to mention organizers at 32BJ. “I’ve seen all the ugliness, and if things don’t challenge it, it keeps going. I would like for little voices to be able to speak up and defend themselves instead of being rolled over. With a union that’s possible.”
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]]>The post Hunger Continues to Plague Americans. Here’s Why—and What to Do About It. appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Growing up in North Philadelphia’s Hunting Park neighborhood, Barbie Izquierdo knew that the way she and her family lived wasn’t “normal.” Her Cuban-born father served time in prison for the first 10 years of her life, and her mother suffered from mental health issues that precluded her from working. Izquierdo and her older brother survived on social security income, food stamps—now called the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP)—and the generosity of their neighbors, who were also struggling but would pitch in with a can of beans or a cup of rice when the larder was bare.
Despite all this, Izquierdo says, “It wasn’t until I became a parent that I really understood what it feels like to be food insecure. What it does to you mentally I still have not recovered from.”
As a single mom, Izquierdo contended with a cold apartment, a son who was going blind, and “plenty of days when I couldn’t afford to feed myself.” She’d feed her son and daughter, who are now both teenagers, then “‘read eat:’ go into another room and read [takeout] menus, and ask, ‘What would I want to eat today?’ I was feeding my brain when I couldn’t put food into my stomach.”
“I cannot eliminate the fear that all this can be taken away at any moment. Food insecurity is psychological warfare.”
Landing a full-time job was no salvation; with an hourly wage that put her $2 over the income limit for benefits—“Just enough to feel like you’re still poor but . . . not homeless”—she hit what’s called the benefits cliff and was cut off from SNAP, her childcare subsidy, cash assistance, and her kids’ free and reduced-price school lunches.
Izquierdo is now much better situated as a community empowerment manager for the advocacy organization Hunger Free America, and has recently left the sirens and gunshots of her old neighborhood for a home with a grassy yard in Florida. But she still lives with the after-effects of longstanding trauma. “I cannot eliminate the fear that all this can be taken away at any moment,” Izquierdo says. “Food insecurity is psychological warfare.”
That same fear pervaded the days of almost 35.2 million (or 10.9 percent) of U.S. residents in 2019, before COVID hit. Although the USDA found that food insecurity rose in communities of color, and in Black communities in particular, it remained steady overall. As a result, it’s clear to researchers that when federal, state, and municipal governments, along with private-sector groups, put their minds to it, they can make a dent in our country’s current and abiding needs crisis.
We have long reported on food security and wanted to dig in at this moment to better understand what works to lower food insecurity rates and why—and how we can keep it going in the long term.
Food insecurity doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It’s part of a much larger knot of challenges that includes nutrition insecurity, or the lack of adequate healthy food and the resultant tilt toward diet-related diseases, and poor learning outcomes for kids; lack of self-sufficiency; and structural racism, which ensures that certain communities consistently have lower access to healthy food. The umbrella over it all is poverty, which sets all these other pieces in motion.
“The pandemic underscored a lot of things we already knew from the research, including the reminder that food insecurity should not be viewed in isolation,” says Joseph Llobrera, director of research for the food assistance team at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.
Nevertheless, the poverty umbrella is so wide that its components often still have to be contended with piecemeal. Let’s start with SNAP, which is widely considered by many researchers to be “one of the most effective food security programs in the country,” according to Meg Breuning, associate professor in Arizona State University’s College of Health Solutions. As food insecurity numbers fluctuated in 2020, the USDA increased the maximum benefit—determined by what’s called the Thrifty Food Plan (TFP)—by 15 percent; this was the first time the effective value of SNAP had changed since the 1960s.
As a result, says Lauren Bauer, an economics fellow at the Brookings Institute, food insecurity dipped. When that maximum benefit increase expired in September, another increase, of 21 percent, was authorized in October for 2022. “The evidence we’ve gained over the past two business cycles on the consequences of raising that maximum benefit is that spending well-targeted money on a basic necessity makes sense,” Bauer says. “SNAP solves the problem it was authorized to solve.” Similarly, the USDA increased food assistance for people enrolled in the Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations (FDPIR), a program that has lately increased the amount of fresh foods it provides to participants.
The Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) is also “highly effective in improving . . . health outcomes, not just for kids, but for mothers and parents as well,” says Llobrera. Additionally, Breuning points out that increasing the program’s fruit and vegetable allotment in October of 2021 should have been “effective” in increasing healthy food access for low-resource families. However, WIC enrollments declined during the pandemic, for reasons researchers have yet to suss out.
Another win for reduced rates of food insecurity: Pandemic EBT (P-EBT) cards, which were provided to families whose children normally receive free or reduced-price school lunches that disappeared when schools shuttered. The cards, says Bauer, were rolled out in a “pretty random way across states over time, which allowed us to identify what happened when families got that grocery money. We found in the initial rollout in the summer of 2020, when things were pretty bad, that there was about a 30 percent reduction in food insecurity among children,” which lifted between 2.7 and 3.9 million kids out of hunger. She says a second study showed a comparable effect when another round of P-EBT was rolled out in 2021.
Stimulus checks also helped to drop the food insecurity numbers, as did a Child Tax Credit increase of up to $3,600 per child under the age of 6 for 2021. “When Congress finally signed off on the relief package in December 2020, we saw a downward shift in the number of folks reporting they couldn’t get enough to eat,” says Llobrera. Nevertheless, he says he’s waiting for economists and other researchers to begin to “tease apart to what extent ups or downs in the experience of food insecurity were attributable to the increase in SNAP benefits versus economic impact payments. There’s a lot of noise that’s going to require more data and time to disentangle.”
Still, Bauer says, we know that “every time a new wave of cash or cash-like resources went out to families, food insecurity went a little bit down, which says that [the approach] is a way to solve this problem.” This is one reason she and others are pleased to see the P-EBT program expanded into a Summer EBT program that Build Back Better would fund through 2024. This way, when school is out for two or three months, families will continue to have adequate resources to feed their children at home, rather than having to resort to summer feeding programs at libraries and community centers, which tend to be under-utilized.
“Every time a new wave of cash or cash-like resources went out to families, food insecurity went a little bit down, which says that [the approach] is a way to solve this problem.”
One major obstacle—for SNAP, P-EBT, and other national benefits programs—is that “they only work for those who are enrolled,” Bauer says. And the barriers to enrollment can be high. For college students, the “complex, stressful application procedures” as well as a pre-pandemic mandate that students work 20-plus hours a week have both acted as barriers to their enrolling in SNAP, according to the CUNY Urban Food Policy Institute. Congress lifted some restrictions in December 2020 and, as a result, increased eligibility for 3 million students. “If we could maintain flexibility and growth of these programs and the supports we now have in place, that would be ideal,” says Breuning.
Now that children are back in school, Breuning says that the National School Lunch and Breakfast programs are important ways to increase food and nutrition security for children and to alleviate some economic stressors from families. In 2021, Maine and California were the first states in the U.S. to adopt universally free school meals for all students regardless of household income, and more states could follow their lead soon. With school food considered a reliable way to get children nutritious meals on an almost-daily basis, there’s a push to pass a similar federal law making free school meals available to every child in the U.S. “With certain states, unless it comes from the federal government, it’s not going to happen,” says Breuning.
Vince Hall, chief government relations officer for the national food bank network Feeding America, says the expanded charitable response during the pandemic was an important factor in mitigating food insecurity rates—and the need for charitable intervention is not likely to disappear anytime soon. What will help in the future, he believes, is a $1 billion investment from the USDA in the charitable food system, some of which will assist food banks in purchasing food—including fresh fruits and vegetables from local farmers, and still-edible foods that might otherwise be sent to landfills—as well as building up necessary infrastructure like refrigerated vehicles and cold storage units for distribution sites in order to keep the food fresh.
In fact, Hall says rescuing food waste is already improving healthy food access in California, where Senate Bill 1383, meant to reduce methane emanating from landfills, is sending more produce to food banks. He calls this development “encouraging.” He also says that food banks and pantries have a greater role to play in addressing other aspects of poverty, such as access to decent jobs. “There’s workforce development happening at food banks and some of our nonprofit partners operate programs at food banks such as culinary arts training programs, which have very high rates of job placement,” he says. “No one is just hungry.”
Breuning agrees. “Generational poverty remains a persistent problem and until we are able to address things like access to a living wage and access to education, we’re going to be fighting an uphill battle,” she says. And she’s frustrated by the fact that interrelated agencies that provide various assistance to low-resource folks, like the USDA, Medicare and Medicaid, and the National School Lunch Program, aren’t better coordinated. “I worked in anti-hunger before I was an academic and 20 years ago people were talking about a single application” for benefits programs, she says. “And here we are 20 years later and it’s not even on the table.”
Llobrera comes back to the interconnectedness of the challenges in confronting food insecurity. SNAP is important, he says, because it helps to relieve the pressures around health, jobs, and housing. “This frees up resources for a family or an individual to be able to adhere to their required medication,” he says. “Research shows that adults receiving SNAP miss fewer days at work because they’re not as sick because they are getting their nutritional needs met, they’re making fewer calls to the doctor, and they’re less stressed.”
Even so, he says, “We can pump in as much SNAP food assistance as possible but if people are having trouble affording housing, that can only take you so far. Solutions to food insecurity [include] affordable housing and the stable availability of jobs that pay enough so that people aren’t pinched on a number of different human needs. The solution is going to have to be comprehensive and broad.”
“I’m still surviving on P-EBT benefits, and the Child Tax Credit has been helping me stay afloat. I don’t know what life will be like without that extra little bit of help.”
One key aspect of that broad solution involves the fight for a living wage. The federal minimum wage has been stuck at $7.25 an hour for over a decade, and while state and local efforts to increase hourly pay for food workers and farmworkers, as well as universal guaranteed income programs provide some progress, federal legislation to increase the minimum wage have stalled in Congress.
Will there be enough political will to address these overlapping concerns in the Build Back Better plan? The researchers are watching, but not holding their breath. “The last administration made it hard to be hopeful,” says Breuning.
Meanwhile, with pandemic supports beginning to wind down, Barbie Izquierdo continues to find herself stretched financially thin. “I’m still surviving on P-EBT benefits, and the Child Tax Credit has been helping me stay afloat. I don’t know what life will be like without that extra little bit of help,” she says.
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]]>The post Farm to School Programs Are Finally Making Inroads on Capitol Hill appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The farm to school movement (F2S) came about in the 1990s amid rising concerns about the amount of processed food turning up in school meals. In many people’s minds, it is indelibly linked to Alice Waters’ Edible Schoolyard Project, which started alongside farm to school in 1995, to give kids a chance to grow their own vegetables in a school garden, sample similar produce in the cafeteria, and develop a liking for the carrots, tomatoes, and green beans they might not have access to at home. Since its early years, F2S has expanded into a more ambitious effort to increase local food purchasing at schools and childcare centers to not only improve childhood nutrition, but create stable markets for local farmers as well.
Since 2011, researchers at the National Farm to School Network (NFSN) and the Vermont Law School’s Center for Agriculture and Food Systems (CAFS) have issued a report after every other legislative session on the policy efforts—which range widely, depending on the state, locality, or school district—related to getting food directly from farms to schools, tapping into data dating back to 2002. In July, the group released the latest update to their comprehensive State Farm to School Policy Handbook.
The handbook shows that in the years since the first F2S policies began bubbling into existence, school districts and states have figured out myriad ways to start or expand fresh, local food programs using creative funding and legislative strategies to stretch well beyond the Edible Schoolyard models. By tracking every bill that has been introduced in each state, and whether it’s passed or failed, and why, the handbook is designed to help educators and others determine the tactics that might work best in their own regions.
The handbook also makes clear that F2S practitioners have begun connecting the dots on the interrelated benefits of local procurement, the need for which COVID only highlighted this past year-and-a-half, including improved racial equity in childhood nutrition, shorter and more stable supply chains, more stable economic growth for farmers, and more resilient families and communities.
Though the F2S movement has been around for several decades, the Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act of 2010 created the Farm to School Grant Program, which provides $5 million in annual federal funding to state, local, and regional organizations to build or expand F2S programming.
The Act helped significantly raise the number of farm-to-school initiatives across the country—by 430 percent between 2006 and 2012, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), with a 58 percent increase in participating schools between 2015 and 2019, and an 81 percent increase in the number of students participating.
“Farm to school has grown and grown, and it’s become a big presence on Capitol Hill,” says Lihlani Nelson, associate director of CAFS, who worked on the policy handbook.
In fact, the initiative stands to benefit directly from five bills included in the upcoming Childhood Nutrition Reauthorization (CNR), under which Congress updates federal child-focused nutrition laws: 1. The Farm to School Act of 2021, which would triple F2S funding; 2. the Kids Eat Local Act, which would make it easier for school meal programs to source locally; 3. the Local School Foods Expansion Act, which would allow schools in 14 states more flexibility in buying fresh local food; 4. the Food and Nutrition Education in Schools Act, which would create more F2S school educator positions; and 5. the School Food Modernization Act, which would fund cafeteria kitchen upgrades.
This proliferation of federal bills aimed at building on successful state-level F2S efforts shows not only the current relevance and popularity of F2S across the U.S., but also the ways in which it’s begun to be understood as a movement shaped by a number of interrelated needs.
“It’s not just about getting fresh food into local schools,” says Nelson. “There also needs to be a buildup of support for farmers, so they can plan and have bigger markets, and for infrastructure that can process local food,” for example.
As The Hill reported in 2019, 88 percent of school districts need at least one new piece of kitchen equipment; some “must feed hundreds, sometimes thousands of kids each day with nothing more than a freezer and a microwave.”
Poor kitchen infrastructure is an enduring challenge for schools, says Jenileigh Harris, program associate at NFSN, who also worked on the handbook. “Even if there are farmers near you”—and for some schools, there aren’t, which is a whole other challenge—“if there’s no way to process a meal, it doesn’t matter.”
The new handbook shows that F2S has also increased its reach into daycare and preschool facilities, and it has become part of a national discussion about ways to broaden the procurement of local foods more generally to the advantage of families, seniors, and people served by institutions like hospitals.
“Once states start to think about local procurement beyond farm to school, it becomes a broader conversation, about [who else] can be part of the program,” says Harris. “New Mexico and New York have done a lot of great work around a farm-to-institution mindset, pulling in anchor institutions with huge purchasing power that make this an economically viable option for farmers.” At the same time, asks Nelson, “What about farm-to-college and farm-to-prison? How can we expand what’s been successful with farm to school to other institutions?”
Those invested in F2S have started to focus more vociferously on equity, and researchers of this year’s handbook went looking for evidence of an equity focus in state bills. They found that 19 of 91 bills introduced in 2019–2020 identified economic, health, or racial equity as a motivating factor. Notably, some California bills (which failed to pass) would have encouraged schools to purchase from socially disadvantaged farmers.
The researchers also identified a need to learn from the years-long efforts of self-governed Indigenous communities, which have been interpreting farm to school in their own unique ways (a notable example is Alaska’s Fish to School program).
There has also been increased momentum in the F2S community around universal school meal (USM) policies. California and Maine both passed state-level universal meal laws last month, but the Universal School Meals Program Act is also up for consideration under the CNR; if passed into federal law, it would ensure that every child in U.S. public schools has access to free breakfasts, lunches, and snacks.
“That’s one of the biggest pieces for any reader [of the handbook] to come away with—that bills supporting USM are becoming increasingly important when it comes to equity,” says Nelson. “It reduces the paperwork burden on the administrative side and gives the opportunity for more local procurement that might not have been as easy before.”
Alongside USM, she has seen growing focus on “supporting workers all along the supply chain, protecting the environment, and consecrating animal welfare”—an interconnectedness that Indigenous communities in their own procurement strategies have long accepted as a given.
Despite much growth and progress over the years, the researchers say there’s still work to be done to support both students and local farms. Harris says there is a lack of studies that draw a robust connection between F2S and health, learning, and social-emotional outcomes—all important benchmarks as kids head back to school after having their educations radically disrupted over the last year and a half.
“We do see some [state-level] bills that mention those sorts of [assessment-based] motivations for farm to school, but to be able to say explicitly that it reduces rates of diabetes or other outcomes would probably help some bills get more traction,” Harris says.
The piecemeal F2S efforts within some states—a bill here or there to support a pilot program, or a proclamation of interest in local procurement—might not lead to much growth, and sustained funding is often hard to nail down.
“Annual appropriations come year to year, then sometimes disappear,” says Nelson. COVID only exacerbated this problem, as budget shortfalls led to the curtailing of F2S programs in some places. But Harris says this lack of consistency is another case for federal legislation. Harris calls permanent F2S funding “the gold standard.”
Nevertheless, while COVID engendered “a lot of losses and struggles to make ends meet with school budgets,” says Harris, “there were a lot of innovations, too, and brute force in trying to make sure kids and families were fed.” Whole communities stepped up to the challenge, she adds, mobilizing YMCAs, churches, and anyone else they could find “to figure out, ‘What infrastructure and resources do we have on the ground?’”
It’s this sort of deep, impactful, and flexible thinking that may ultimately help F2S and all its interrelated threads find greater success—hopefully in time for the next handbook.
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]]>The post A Farmer-Owned Local Food App Stands Out from the Venture Capital-Backed Crowd appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>At the start of the pandemic, Elizabeth Riffle built out a website for her West Virginia bison farm. Her aim, in part, was to boost revenue by allowing local customers to pre-order their brisket and strip loin for pickup at her farm and the Morgantown farmers’ market. Soon enough, though, things took a turn for the “quite messy,” Riffle says. In order to track inventory and manage sales, she had to create a separate virtual farm store to link from her website. Then, she started using a third platform to keep on top of customer communication. “And don’t even get me started on [our] beast of an accounting system—that is a nightmare,” Riffle says.
Like almost any farmer, Riffle is plagued by habitual time constraints, making this kind of laborious investment in online sales a time-suck that might hardly seem worth the effort. There is a critical caveat, however: Online purchasing is on the rise in the U.S., fueled by the pandemic as well as a proliferation of online shopping options.
In 2020, online food and beverage sales alone accounted for $106 billion, a jump of 125 percent over 2019, according to the Food Industry Association and NielsenIQ. In parallel to that growth, the pandemic’s negative effects on national and international supply chains engendered a heightened understanding among shoppers about the importance of maintaining local food systems. As a result, some Americans are now more willing to click-and-buy produce and other foods from local farms.
All of this has led various farmers and farmer organizations to wonder: Is the time finally ripe for digital sales to help regional producers aiming to feed their communities stay afloat?
Lindsey Lusher Shute has been pondering this question for years. Back in 2015, when she was the executive director of the National Young Farmers Coalition (NYFC), she’d surveyed members about what sorts of business services the organization could offer to help them make more money.
“Innovative, forward-thinking tech rose to the top of the list as the thing that could give a more modern customer experience, and they needed support on marketing and outreach to bring in more customers,” Lusher Shute remembers. At the same time, a half-dozen tech companies had entered the fray, including Farmigo, Good Eggs, Full Circle, Barn2Door, and Plough, to name just a few.
As an aggregator, Farmigo, for example, made it easier for farms to sell online but it took 20 percent of farm profits—less than the cut from selling wholesale but far more than the 95 to 100 percent farmers earn from selling direct to consumers through farmers’ markets or community-sponsored agriculture (CSA) boxes. Farmigo found the food delivery business a tough nut to crack: It stopped deliveries five years ago after failing to break even.
The challenge with these sorts of online hubs is they siphon off customers from viable local farm businesses while making them believe they’re support their local growers directly, Lusher Shute says. As a result, many farmers reliant on CSAs and similar models say they have seen a marked decline in customers. The shift has also come at a time when young farmers and other smaller-scale producers who sell their food locally have been hit hard by a number of other challenges, including soaring farmland prices, and the costs and challenges associated with climate-fueled weather extremes such as freezes, flooding, and drought.
As Lusher Shute sees it, Farmigo provides a good example of the negative effects of “tech companies coming in and disrupting industries and livelihoods, thinking about how they can increase their own margins but not about the human impacts of doing so.”
In 2019, a grant allowed the Farm Generations cooperative—which aimed to help increase equity and profitability among its member-owners—to build its own online platform. The coop has since spun off from NYFC (along with Lusher Shute), but its new platform, GrownBy, launched in March 2020, allows farmers anywhere in the country to sell their own products and CSA shares online without a venture-backed tech startup as the middleman. The platform is starting with local pickup, but home delivery and shipping options are currently in the works. GrownBy charges a 2 percent service fee and a similar fee for credit card sales; after a farm makes its first sale through the platform, it can buy a share in the co-op and a stake in its future success—another path, hopefully, to financial sustainability.
The group convened 18 farms to beta-test GrownBy last spring; among the improvements testers suggested was creating a smartphone app, which Lusher Shute says makes for “a better user experience for customers—and research shows that when customers are buying on an app they buy more.” The team also improved searchability and made sure that both the app and website alike could support any kind of farm sales, from a traditional pre-determined CSA box, a customizable box, or even just a pre-order of bread and grapes.
The whole point, according to Mike Parker, a GrownBy co-op member, grass-fed beef farmer, and co-developer of the GrownBy site, is to “build tech that works for farmers, and to allow customer discoverability of local farms. This is something other apps are not purporting to do.” He points out that as a mechanism of a farmer-owned cooperative that’s whole mission is to support farmers, GrownBy does not have to quickly build profitability in order to pay back VC funders looking to capitalize on their investments.
As of press time, GrownBy 1.0 had 50 farms selling their products and distributing from 155 sites; another 130-plus farms have signed on and are presumably getting ready to list their own products. One participating farm is seven-year-old Rise & Root in Chester, New York. One of the co-owners of the cooperatively run farm, Jane Hayes-Hodge, had already been using an online ordering system for its spring plant sale and was thinking about using it to facilitate orders for restaurants and farmers markets customers, when COVID-19 hit and accelerated the need.
“Suddenly we were in a situation where restaurant clients weren’t buying from us but there was a huge demand from the local community, with people afraid of losing their food sources,” she says.
Hayes-Hodge says the GrownBy app enables her to sell pre-orders at all three of her markets and, with very little promotion in a very short time, has increased her weekly sales by hundreds of dollars. She says it effectively offsets weekly ebbs and flows with “some basic sales before we arrive at the market; we can harvest lettuce, tomatoes, basil, knowing that someone has already purchased them. We can also sell some stuff that we might not otherwise bring to the market because there’s not enough of it. It helps ease a little of the stress.”
GrownBy is not the only platform attempting to better serve farmers, rather than tech companies, first and foremost. Both meat-centric GrazeCart and Harvie, which concentrates on produce and flowers, also do a good job, according to Parker, of providing fresh local food to retail customers without fleecing producers.
In a similar vein, the Minnesota Farmers Union (MFU) recently launched the Minnesota Foodshed to provide what Claudine Arndt, an MFU program manager, calls an online matchmaking service between farmers too busy to seek out relationships with chefs, for example, and chefs wanting to work with nearby farmers “but don’t know where to start,” she says. Chefs and farmers can browse each others’ profiles, advertise a need for strawberries or an overabundance of juneberries, and eventually, will be able to search an in-development resources section for tips on how to work well together.
Andy Fisher, executive director of nonprofit Ecological Farming Association, believes these kinds of solutions comprise a “niche” strategy suited to young, technologically proficient farmers, and are not necessarily the best method for creating the kind of communal experience that in-person farmers’ market shopping provides. And yet, he says, “they also present great opportunities for farmers to expand their audience beyond the folks who already go the extra mile to find local food—they’re a natural progression of democratizing food access,” he says. That could include figuring out how to make GrownBy or a similar platform work for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) clients who—as of this moment—lack the ability to use their benefits for online purchases except through Amazon and Walmart.
In fact, GrownBy’s Parker says equity for underserved consumers is top of mind for food-justice-minded Farm Generations members. And fresh local food, he says, “is a big deal. It’s a huge part of the grocery market that’s currently kept out of e-commerce sales.”
Seeking to alter that, the USDA’s Food and Nutrition Service, which oversees SNAP, recently announced $4 million in grant money to build an online pilot platform that allows clients to use their benefits to pre-order at local farmers markets. Farm Generations will be applying, Parker says, but no matter who the money is awarded to, “We’ll be keeping an eye on that, because we definitely want to integrate that into GrownBy.”
This article was updated to correct Farm Generations’ relationship to NYFC.
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]]>The post A NYC Reentry Program Offers Formerly Incarcerated People Healing, Dignity Through Meals appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>When Stanley Richards was released from a New York State prison in 1991, the only way he knew how to feed himself was with the fried Jack Mack he’d eaten during his four-and-a-half years behind bars for a robbery conviction. This classic cell-cooked dish, named for the cheap canned jack mackerel that inmates receive in care packages from home or purchase in the commissary, had been far preferable to both the food and the vibe in the prison’s mess hall.
Notoriously devoid of fresh vegetables and frills, institutional prison food—which in New York State is mass produced outside the small city of Rome for less than $3 per inmate per day—is heaped onto a “hard tray, and you might not be able to finish it because they only give you three to five minutes to eat, then the guards knock on the table and you gotta empty your tray,” Richards said.
Thirty years later, Richards is executive vice president of the Fortune Society, a nonprofit that since 1967 has offered reentry support to about 9,000 men and women a year in three locations in Queens and Manhattan, as well as on-site at jails. The organization offers formerly incarcerated people help finding housing, counseling, employment training, and other wraparound services.
As he works to expand his own cooking repertoire, Richards has become ever more aware of the value of “using food to build community.” At Fortune, he said, “we have an opportunity to provide nourishing and healthy food. But when we break bread together, we can also laugh, socialize, bond, communicate, and heal.”
Expanding the Menu
When Richards first started working as a counselor at Fortune two months into his parole, its residential facility in upper Manhattan, called the Castle, hadn’t yet opened. That happened more than a decade later in 2002, and its kitchen began churning out hot meals soon after. From there, inspired by “Black families on Sundays that gather around,” he said, Fortune began to steadily develop a well-rounded food and nutrition program that sought to address the power and relevance of a good meal for people who’d been involved in the justice system.
Even today, ample fixings for peanut butter and jelly sandwiches are always on offer in the kitchen at the Castle, which provides emergency and transitional housing for 60 men and women for an average of 12 to 13 months, until they’re ready to move into their own apartments or in with their families. The PB&J is a way to address not only hunger, but also hoarding tendencies and other food anxieties that formerly incarcerated folks often experience. “You don’t go to prison for 20 or 30 years and come out fresh, squeaky-clean healthy in all ways,” said Jaime McBeth, who joined Fortune in 2014 and now serves as director of food and nutrition—an unusual position within reentry programs. “There’s a lot of trauma involved.”
By then, the organization’s Queens location had already been serving tuna sandwiches and hot dogs for lunch to day clients accessing training, services, and counseling. But when Fortune surveyed its clients, it learned that many of them lived in areas with poor access to healthy food and might not otherwise eat on a given day. “We said, we have to do something if this is their only meal,” Richards said. “We have to make sure it’s hot and nutritious.”
When McBeth was hired, she started devising new menus for the Queens location and the Castle; she coordinated with a distributor that worked with local farms to bring in fresh, high-quality produce and proteins. And yet the cost per meal at the Castle is comparable to mass-produced prison meals. On a recent weekday, for instance, some of the Castle staff were oohing and aahing over the glistening, bright orange fillets of steelhead trout McBeth had recently procured.
McBeth hired two chefs, one for each Fortune kitchen, and started a nutrition-counseling program. To deal with potential pushback against less familiar meals, she also expanded attendance of weekly cooking demos—by a third chef—from 20 to 200 to familiarize Fortune clients with new-to-them healthy dishes. “You don’t have stuff like salads and garlic spinach in prison, and with the demos they can go from ‘I don’t want to try that’ to ‘I want more,’” Richards said.
The Value of a Hot, Nutritious Meal
“I am a dietician, and that means I want to make sure that our food is well-balanced and nutritious—that’s our foundation,” McBeth said. “From there, we want to make sure [clients] eat it, that it tastes good, and that we don’t go too far in terms of it being unfamiliar.” In coordination with Nicole Gurley, the Castle’s chef of four years, she devises menus for every day’s breakfast, lunch, and dinner that riff on what she calls “traditional” foods: burgers and yucca fries and arroz con pollo.
“We’ve got a few Caribbean people in the building, so we’ll do Rasta pasta [with Jamaican jerk spices] and basic Southern African American foods like greens and yams and chicken,” McBeth said. All of this is meant to override memories of “very starchy meals that fill you up.” To figure out what may or may not be popular, she checks the trash to see what got tossed.
Chef Nikki (pictured at top), as Gurley is known around Fortune, normally has two jobs—one at the Castle and one as chef de partie at the Rainbow Room, Rockefeller Center’s landmark restaurant, which has been shut down this year due to the pandemic; she’s been working full-time at the Castle since June 2020. Gurley also has first-hand experience with feeling undernourished by food, which made her especially eager to serve this group in a way that “gives you a little dignity with the meal,” she said.
Gurley grew up in Newark, New Jersey, where, she says, “everyone around me was on drugs.” She dropped out of school in the eighth grade, ran the streets, then spent a year in a youth house. Even after she began apprenticing at a kosher butcher—before working her way up in fast casual then small mom-and-pop restaurant kitchens—she she still found herself hungry at times. “I could eat at work but then on a day off I’m broke because the rent is so high. Then you go to soup kitchens and it be like a soup broth with a few pieces in it, or Dunkin’ Donuts” but it’s stale, she said. “Just because you find yourself in a tough situation, that doesn’t mean you have to have crap for food.”
She and McBeth usually sit down to plot out meals a week or even a month in advance, which allows them to plan around including local, seasonal ingredients. Her recent dinners have included oven-fried chicken and black-eyed peas, and steak in mushroom-shallot gravy with garlic peas and sweet potato fingerlings. They’re designed to be balanced, but they always reflect the fact that many Castle residents are older, with bad teeth, and potentially obsessive about their health.
“It surprised me coming here how these guys really, really care about their nutrition,” Gurley said. “They don’t want things with salt in it. They want vegetables. ‘How come we not getting a salad today?’ [they ask]. You’d think they’d just happy to get a meal, but no, they want real food just like anybody. Eating junk all day—that doesn’t make you feel good.”
Some people switch to kosher or halal diets to access special meals when they go to prison, as a way to maintain some semblance of control over their lives, and many retain those habits once they’re out. “In an institution, they tell you when it’s lights out and lights on, when to get out of your cell, when to stand for count, when you can go eat, when you can go to recreation,” Richards said. “The only thing you can control is yourself.”
One fan of Gurley’s cooking is Raymond Cruz, who was released from Rikers Island 10 months ago and has been living at the Castle ever since; he also works around the kitchen, scrubbing pots, sweeping, and helping pack up meals to deliver to rooms now that COVID has shut down communal dining. At Rikers, “you cook your own crackhead soup”—another prison staple that relies on live-wiring a cup of water to cook noodles—“because the food there is terrible,” Cruz said. “Everything is cold, and maybe you get a slice of lettuce and no fresh fruit.” At the Castle, though, “everything Chef Nikki cooks is good. It’s fresh, and I can laugh with [everyone here] and they treat you like real family. In jail you can’t do that. Being here gives you a lot of hope.”
Communal meals have been “sorely missed,” Richards said. Sit-down holiday meals, where staff at the Castle serve residents and their families, as well as an annual food-centric block party that’s held to help estranged families start to build back relationships, were all canceled this year. Weekly community meetings at the Castle have switched to Zoom, and Queens’ day clients receive to-go bags that include lunch and some food staples to tide them over for a few days.
“But it doesn’t replace the warmth that sitting down and having a conversation and community can bring,” Richards said. “There’s no replacing that.”
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]]>The post Hungry Seniors Need More Than Just Access to Food appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>A 60-something woman with $140 in monthly Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits doesn’t want to buy “junk” food but struggles to afford the produce she needs as a diabetic. A food-insecure woman in her 80s, impoverished since her husband’s death, is too ashamed to ask her children for financial assistance and contemplates suicide. And a functionally illiterate man with annual income of less than $12,000 relies on family members to fill out benefits paperwork—and hunts game to supplement his $16 monthly SNAP benefits.
This is just a tiny sampling of the challenges faced by the 25 million seniors in the U.S. who struggle to make ends meet. They were collected for a 2020 report conducted by Social Policy Research Associates and Mathematica on behalf of the U.S. Department Agriculture’s (USDA) Food and Nutrition Service (FNS) to better understand how to improve access to SNAP benefits, also known as food stamps, among this extremely vulnerable population.
Not all seniors living below the poverty level officially qualify as “food insecure.” But many older Americans struggle to procure affordable, nutritious, and ample enough food. And those challenges are often invisible in a society that has outmoded ideas of grandparents surrounded by supportive family members or happily ensconced in assisted living facilities, all needs attended to.
Annelies Goger, an economic geographer now at the Brookings Institute who worked on the 2020 report while employed by Social Policy Research Associates, said that misconceptions about seniors persist “because Medicare and Social Security are seen as a pretty big safety net to protect older Americans against economic instability.” But for those without a cushion, she added, “it’s striking how insecure they are and how inadequate” the supplemental programs are that are meant to fill the gaps.
In 2018, 4.7 million men and women over the age of 60 received SNAP benefits, a number experts estimate represents only about one-third of eligible seniors. And some, like the game hunter mentioned above, receive benefits far below their need, an outcome that Eve Anthony, CEO of the Athens Community Council on Aging in Georgia, calls “incredibly insulting to seniors.”
The pandemic has dramatically increased demand for food assistance for seniors and other marginalized groups, even beyond SNAP. For example, Meals on Wheels, which normally provides food for 2.4 million in-need seniors, reports that 79 percent of its regional programs saw demand for meals increase—by 900 percent, in some cases. Requests for assistance in Anthony’s county in Georgia, which has a 26 percent poverty rate among its population of 126,000, almost doubled among seniors, from 215 to 385—although “I know there are more,” she said.
Identifying vulnerability among seniors, let alone figuring out ways to effectively and consistently feed them, remains elusive. For starters, “being able to tease out food insecurity among older adults, for whom there is not a lot of heterogeneity, is tied to measurements that were not developed for these,” but rather for younger populations, like college students, said Cindy Leung, assistant professor in the Department of Nutritional Sciences at the University of Michigan School of Public Health. “It shows there’s a lot of work that needs to be done.”
Still, a growing body of research by Leung and others seeks to home in on the challenges to better understand possible solutions.
Older adults experience an array of challenges in getting food assistance. Many lack access to transportation and the internet, live in food deserts, face housing instability, have difficulty speaking or reading English, and experience general confusion over whether or not they qualify for SNAP. (SNAP representatives did not respond to requests from Civil Eats for comment about barriers to applying for the program.)
They also have their own unique problems, explained Uche Akobundu, senior director of nutrition strategy and impact for Meals on Wheels America. “Seniors’ access to food is really a multidimensional challenge beyond financial constraints,” she said. “If they’re physically impaired, that makes it a challenge to acquire, prepare, and consume food. They have to be transported to the store, which is more difficult as you get older, and have complex health challenges and limited mobility and functionality. Can we reach, grab, or navigate around the grocery store? Can we move around our home? Are we dining alone, or compelled to feed the cat or [a grandchild] more than ourselves?”
Leung of the University of Michigan published a study in January that found food insecurity among older adults rose from 5.5 percent to 12.4 percent over a 10-year period—with a corresponding decrease in diet quality. To Akobundu’s already extensive list of challenges Leung adds the complexity of trying to find critically important nutritious ingredients on a limited budget.
“For older adults having to manage chronic conditions, it’s more challenging if you’re food insecure to access special foods that are consistent with what your doctor recommends,” she said. “Your caloric needs are also less than for a younger adult population, so that means you have to be mindful of fitting a high-quality diet into fewer calories.”
Her paper makes multiple links between diet quality, food insecurity, age-related physical and mental limitations, chronic disease, and poorer health. As Harvard Medical School assistant professor Seth Berkowitz put it in testimony to the U.S. Senate Special Committee on Aging in July 2017, “[H]ealth conditions are often caused or exacerbated by an inadequate diet . . . [and] while there is no evidence that food insecurity causes breast cancer, adequate nutrition is vital when undergoing cancer treatments, such as chemotherapy.”
All of this is exacerbated by secondary factors elucidated by the USDA report: some seniors’ permanent inability to work, their age-related cognitive decline, and major health crises that can sap their savings—especially if they are between 60 and 65 and lost health care benefits but don’t yet quality for Medicare.
Depression, especially after the loss of a spouse, is also common, and this has only worsened during the pandemic as access to social and religious groups eroded. Pre-pandemic, Meals on Wheels programs often supplied lunches to congregate sites where seniors could socialize over a plate of chicken and dumplings. Dining with company is a recognized contributor to mental well-being in older adults, but the organization had to switch to delivery models that kept seniors solitary in order to keep them safe.
“[While] all the seniors are grateful,” Akobundu said, “a [solitary] frozen meal is a different dining experience than a [shared] hot meal, and some don’t even have equipment to reheat it.”
Goger called senior depression and its attendant isolation concerning, both pre-pandemic and now. “When you’re depressed, you have less energy to cook or problem solve, which affects basic functions that put you at greater risk of malnutrition,” she said.
Also concerning is the stigma that keeps many seniors from asking for help. Some become newly poor once they’re on fixed incomes or run out of money after caring for a spouse with a chronic illness, Leung said. They may be unaccustomed to feeling “needy.”
Many seniors are also confused about how to file for SNAP, especially online. “The people most likely to receive SNAP are those that have family members that helped them. Few are getting through without any assistance at all, based on our data,” Goger said. And there is confusion over what groups of programs seniors are eligible for “across utility assistance, food assistance, housing assistance, because things like Medicaid affect your eligibility for other programs,” she noted. Low-income seniors may be eligible for both Medicare (intended for people over 65) and Medicaid (intended for people with very low incomes). “It’s hard for a Ph.D to figure out, let alone someone whose ability to navigate the system is extremely reduced.”
Add rurality to any one of these equations and the challenges compound.
The pandemic “has shaken loose additional people who had a network of supports that they don’t have now, and we don’t expect a rapid falloff” of need after COVID, Akobundu said. “There’s no returning to the old ‘normal.’”
This does not mean there’s no hope for figuring out how to meet the complicated and increasingly urgent food needs of seniors, now and into the future. For starters, some states, including California, were able to keep restaurants afloat by temporarily paying them to make meals for seniors. (That program is authorized to run through April 7.) Cities have a role to play too. In Athens, Anthony tapped a local caterer for food preparation help. And New York City mobilized a Food Czar to coordinate multiple senior-serving agencies, including those focused on providing calorically, nutritionally, and culturally relevant meals.
Akobundu said the pandemic had an optimistic, unifying effect. “[It] gave us a shared sense of vulnerability that we all felt equally that made it easier to communicate need to our funders and donors and stakeholders.”
The FNS study identified clear solutions to eliminate barriers to SNAP enrollment among seniors; whether or not FNS will permanently implement them is another matter. One is a trial program called Combined Application Projects, which make it easier for seniors to apply for Social Security and SNAP at the same time, a standard policy across all states. Another, recommended by seniors themselves, is to increase outreach at senior centers, food pantries, public housing complexes, and through door-to-door visits. Anthony said she’ll be using this latter strategy herself moving forward by partnering with hyperlocal grassroots organizations that can identify seniors in need, sign them up for Meals on Wheels, and make food deliveries to them.
For her part, Goger would like to see more attention paid to building up infrastructure around feeding seniors. “More could be done to coordinate fresh produce for food pantries, and to make sure it’s publicized that seniors can go to X place to get it,” she said. When someone is discharged from the hospital, “there could be a healthy frozen meal program paid for with Medicare funds as preventive care, that would include options for special diabetic or low-sodium diets.”
Leung, too, sees clinical response as an important component of addressing senior need; her study recommends screening for food insecurity in clinical settings such as hospitals and doctors’ offices, where referrals to congregate meal programs and SNAP enrollment assistance could also be offered.
“Doctors play such an important role in older adults’ ability to manage their health. They’re a trusted source of information, and we’re definitely shifting toward doctors writing prescriptions for fruits and vegetables and making connections to special services,” Leung said. “There are [also] barriers to affording healthy food; if you’re diagnosed with diabetes you have to pay for a glucometer and testing strips. Doctors need to know that patients are not choosing to eat poorly or disregard medical advice.”
A slew of new research should also help in assessing the groups at highest risk, drivers of food insecurity, and programs most likely to increase their access to healthy meals.
“Factors that promote resilience deserve more research,” Leung said. “And we need to understand how seniors are managing food insecurity. Otherwise, they’re just relying on piecemeal programs to scrape by day to day.”
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]]>The post College Students Struggle to Enroll in SNAP—but Peer Support Programs Help appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Here’s how the past year has been going for America Lopez: In early March of 2020, the 33-year-old, full-time sociology student was living with her uncle and attending Lehman College in the Bronx. Then COVID-19 hit, shutting down Lehman and the other 24 campuses in the City University of New York* (CUNY) system. Lopez’s uncle decided to return to Mexico, so America joined her four siblings in their mother’s public housing apartment, attending Zoom classes on a laptop borrowed from the college. Shortly after she moved in, one of her brothers needed emergency gall-bladder surgery. Then her mother, a fruit street vendor, fell ill, possibly with COVID-19. And in September, Lopez’s 2020-21 financial aid package hit a snag, further straining the family’s finances.
Her mother and youngest sister receive SNAP, but so far, Lopez hasn’t been able to secure her own benefits. The family—all members of which are currently unemployed—have been relying on canned goods and other staples handed out by City Harvest and nearby churches; on Wednesdays, they visit a local site that offers hot meals. Last semester, Lehman College sent out monthly $50 gift cards to buy food at Target, but “it’s not really enough,” Lopez says. “We’re just limiting our milk and corn flakes and bread until I or my sister can get a job. I am really frustrated and stressed and overwhelmed.”
In January, two weeks before classes were set to start for the new semester, Lopez was alerted to a brand new CUNY-wide peer-to-peer navigator portal, run by national anti-student hunger organization Swipe Out Hunger (SOH)—one of several similar initiatives. “Specially enlisted and trained” student leaders, the email said, could help her apply for SNAP, as well as “find a range of NYC food resources.”
This kind of help is urgently needed. At CUNY, pre-pandemic, an estimated half of the 41 percent of potentially eligible students were enrolled in SNAP, and nationwide that number may have been as high as 57 percent. COVID-19 has only exacerbated the need; a December 2020 report from the research arm of ed-tech company Chegg estimated that 32 percent of America’s 20 million college students have experienced food insecurity since the pandemic began. And with many college campuses still closed, students everywhere have even less access to assistance. SNAP is critical because of the program’s reach; for every one meal an emergency food bank provides, SNAP can provide nine.
Without a navigator, it’s likely that Lopez would have abandoned the SNAP enrollment process. Instead, she filled out an online form and was soon connected with 22-year-old Christal Yu, a human services major at CUNY’s Borough of Manhattan Community College who had just started working as a navigator.
Says Lopez, “Christal sent me a message saying we [could] start the SNAP application right away. She said, ‘Yes, I can help you.’”
SNAP Snags
SNAP has stringent rules, but individual states can ask for exceptions to some of them. In October 2020, New York, for example, permanently expanded eligibility to college students enrolled half-time in technical, career, and remedial programs, closing a loophole that had left 75,000 students ineligible for benefits. Eight other states, including Michigan, have received the same exception. Meanwhile, California is working to implement an emergency waiver that would let homeless, disabled, and elderly residents, for whom preparing meals is difficult if not impossible, use SNAP to buy hot food instead of just cold grocery items during the pandemic. There are no good numbers for how many college students specifically this would—temporarily—impact, although a Hope Center report found almost 400,000 community college students in California had experienced homelessness in 2018, for example.
The COVID-19 relief bill passed by Congress in December addressed other SNAP snafus nationally, including abolishing the 20-hour-a-week work requirement for college students, many of whom lost jobs during the pandemic. Like California’s attempted waiver, this is temporary; a month after the pandemic emergency is declared over, the rule will go back to mandating that students remain employed or drop out of college if they want to keep receiving SNAP benefits.
Even with these adjustments in place, SNAP eligibility requirements can be challenging to make sense of, says Ellen Vollinger, legal director for anti-hunger nonprofit Food Research & Action Center (FRAC) in Washington, D.C. Misunderstandings about what rules do and don’t apply to whom has only depressed access, she says.
Some advocates, like Jessica Bartholow, say SNAP rules are purposefully opaque and that the system needs to be expanded and simplified. Bartholow, who experienced homelessness and hunger herself as a college student, is chief of staff for Nancy Skinner, a California state senator who has introduced legislation to strengthen anti-hunger programs. Bartholow says on college campuses, peers can be a welcome addition to the process, since they communicate “that you’re not the only one who’s low income.” As part of California’s statewide, four-year-old Hunger Free-Campus initiative, peer navigators earn the state’s $15-an-hour minimum wage as work-study jobs.
“Being a low-income college student is hard, lonely, ostracizing,” says Bartholow. “Your family may or may not be supportive, and most of your peers are off doing fun things while you’re working a second or third job. For low-income, especially first-generation, college students to find networks and support each other in a college environment is powerful.”
Peer-to-Peer
By the time Christal Yu reached out to America Lopez, she and SOH’s three other navigators had already received about 20 hours of training, says advocacy and organizing manager Robb Friedlander, to skillfully “communicate resources for navigating this awful, horrid [SNAP] process.” Yu had also been a fellow at CUNY’s Urban Food Policy Institute, focusing on human services, community organizing, and criminal justice. But acting as a navigator was “the first time I put to use those skills I’d learned,” she says.
Since Lopez is trying to figure out how to add herself and other siblings to an existing SNAP household, her case is more complex than some others. Yu instructed her to call the Food Bank for New York City, which assists with applications and also has a special hotline for thorny questions.
The semester was about to start and Lopez told Yu that she really needed textbooks. “[Textbooks] are ridiculously expensive—[but] we found a website for affordable textbooks online,” says Yu. “And she also mentioned that she was trying to figure out her resume and cover letters for after graduation, so I gave her contact info for [Lehman College’s] career center. She was so grateful—we [students] don’t realize we’re paying for these things that are there to help us out.”
By early February, Yu had taken on 65 CUNY clients with varying challenges—although none, yet, who’d needed her to speak in Cantonese (other navigators speak Spanish, Urdu, and Bengali). By that point in time, navigators had helped 270 students at 21 CUNY campuses—116 with SNAP applications, and 166 with other food resources including food banks and public school Grab-and-Go meals within walking distance of where they were living. It takes 30 days to process a SNAP application and longer for benefits to actually arrive, which underlines the importance of emergency food providers for getting students through lean days and weeks.
Several clients stuck out in Yu’s mind because of the depth of their need. A few students had requested mental health service recommendations. Others are “more concerned about housing—it could be a landlord issue, or they can’t afford to pay rent, which a local tenant housing official can take up” on their behalf, Yu says. Two students didn’t have documents to prove their addresses, although Yu knew from her training that “You can still apply if you’re homeless or don’t have identification—it’s [the SNAP office’s] responsibility to get you an ID.”
Meanwhile, Yu had been grappling with her own housing and food insecurity—as well as with discomfort about asking for assistance. She says that acting as a navigator for other students has been eye-opening. “They are experiencing similar things to myself. It’s normally just me feeling isolated and like things are insurmountable, and it’s really wild how little we know about each others’ lives. It’s really revealing.”
She’s heard from other navigators that they’re all beginning to feel more confident in contacting students and teasing out information in unobtrusive ways. “A lot of struggles are unseen, and sometimes people [also] struggle with admitting they need help,” she explains.
The navigators were also planning to hold weekly virtual workshops for each other, to share the skills they’d been accumulating along the way—such as how to address the nutritional side of food access, and ways to offer trauma-informed care (Yu’s specialty). They were thinking, too, of hosting open-to-the-public watch parties for documentaries and an upcoming food forum hosted by the mayor’s office. She thought the watch parties might create space for food justice conversations to happen, and an opportunity to alert more students about the peer network.
What success rate the program can expect is still unknown. However, SOH conducted a pilot during the spring and summer of 2020 that connected 656 students with $628,000 worth of SNAP benefits over a three-month period.
CUNY’s Urban Food Policy Institute (UFPI) piloted a similar effort in 2018 at Hostos Community College and John Jay College of Criminal Justice. UFPI director Nicholas Freudenberg says in that program, “Ten [student] advocates working limited hours connected 1,200 students to campus-based services. That tells you about the scale you need to get to 10,000, or 100,000 students. It also provides proof of concept; the majority of students we surveyed said they would accept help from a peer.”
In California, Bartholow says a conversation with peer navigators a couple of years ago revealed that they were able to help student clients make it to the end of the “SNAP application maze” 100 percent of the time. Could clients manage it without help? Their overwhelming response was, “No, it’s not possible,” she says.
Not everyone believes the peer navigator/SNAP approach is the best or only solution to helping students. Some colleges have implemented what nonprofit Hunger Solutions Maryland director Michael J. Wilson calls a “brilliant” workaround, by scanning a student’s Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) to see who might qualify for SNAP, then reaching out to those students directly. FRAC’s Vollinger thinks there should also be expanded effort around enrolling student parents in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), “because it doesn’t have as many barriers as SNAP,” she says.
Meanwhile, as of this writing, America Lopez had made an appointment to speak with a financial aid specialist at Lehman. She’d filled out her SNAP application but hadn’t yet found time to call FBNYC to figure out her best approach. She was gearing up for it, though, and Christal Yu was standing by to help however else she could. “I’m so thankful I can work with students so they don’t need to feel like they’re alone in this,” she says.
*Disclosure: The reporter’s spouse is employed by CUNY, though not in relation to the needs-assistance programs.
This article was updated to correct the spelling of Jessica Bartholow’s last name.
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]]>The post Ensuring Homeless Americans Get Enough Food Has Never Been Easy. Now, It’s Next to Impossible. appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Things are even more radically precarious for those who are unhoused. Before the pandemic, between 3.5 and 5 million people in the U.S. experienced homelessness over the course of a year. Now, despite a temporary—and hardly encompassing—federal eviction ban, enacted in early September, many landlords have nevertheless turned out tenants unable to pay rent. Some economists project the nation’s homeless rates will surge by as much as 45 percent by the end of 2020.
What, how—or even if—unhoused people eat is often largely out of their hands. They might couch surf with friends, beholden to the whims of someone else’s household. Food pantry staples won’t help much if they’re living out of their cars, in a motel, or other “no-cook facility.” If they’re spending nights in a shelter, they probably receive a prepared meal there.
But if they’re living on the streets in, say, Los Angeles, leaving an encampment to visit a soup kitchen is a risky prospect; the city has been conducting sweeps, despite legislation banning them in March, that involve trashing unoccupied tents, sleeping bags, barbecues, and the other worldly possessions that allow homeless neighbors to survive.
Instead, unhoused people might rely on the outreach of individuals like Melissa Acedera. In 2017, when she was still working full-time as a compliance manager for a food and beverage company, she began handing out 100 breakfast burritos each Saturday to men and women on L.A.’s Skid Row. Several months later she started a mobile food pantry, Polo’s Pantry.
Polo’s Pantry has since become one cog in a community-based mutual aid coalition that includes an expanding network of lawyers, farmers, grocers, university researchers, activists, longstanding homeless organizations, and other nonprofits. A similar coalition has also developed in New York, seeking to bring together previously disconnected—or actively competitive—players in the emergency food aid system. Together, the rise of these cooperative groups show how, with COVID, the needs of our nation’s hungry have ballooned precipitously beyond what the established emergency food system can handle.
Even before the pandemic, more than 11 percent of Americans endured food insecurity. California and New York accounted for the greatest number of homeless individuals in the country, at 22 percent and 16 percent respectively. In New York City, 40 percent of residents there—or 2.5 million people—lacked “self-sufficiency,” or the ability to cover basic necessities including food, housing, healthcare, and childcare.
In July, The New York Times reported that illegal evictions were underway in New York, and 14,000 more (legal) evictions were anticipated in that city alone before housing court reopened earlier this month—this in spite of a moratorium that’s meant to see tenants through December 31. There’s a similar situation brewing in L.A.
Polo’s Pantry, the Instituto Educación Popular, and Everytable partner to hand out food in Los Angeles. (Photo courtesy of Polo’s Pantry)
No one is sure just how large the eviction crisis will become, but the National Low Income Housing Coalition estimates that 40 million Americans risk eviction by the end of 2020, and the repercussions of this could be felt for as long as a decade, according to executive director of the National Coalition for the Homeless, Donald H. Whitehead, Jr. “Frontline jobs occupied by people of color? They may never come back, and we’re going to see homelessness reach more deeply into the middle class,” he says.
This need has left Acedera and other services providers in L.A., NYC, and other cities scrambling for new ways to think about the structure of emergency feeding. “The charitable food system [wasn’t] equipped to handle the pandemic,” Acedera says. She and others are trying to re-scaffold that system on the fly, even as they attempt to meet the surge of hunger that has already arrived at their feet.
A Band-Aid on Hunger
Andrew Fisher, anti-hunger activist and author of Big Hunger: The Unholy Alliance between Corporate America and Anti-Hunger Groups, has argued that emergency feeding through large-scale food banks and other nonprofits is a lucrative enterprise—a “hunger industrial complex” that allows for tax write-offs for corporate donors and a shrug from legislators who justify inaction by pointing to the charities filling the void.
Even with this problematic system in place, though, the number of hungry people is not significantly diminishing, and the number of homeless people, especially those living outdoors, has been on the rise in the last few years, says Whitehead. With each national crisis—from the 2008 economic crash, to 2012’s Superstorm Sandy on the East Coast, to today’s pandemic—those numbers have surged.
One emergency is enough to plunge a family that’s struggling to find resources into homelessness, says senior attorney Shayla Myers of the Legal Aid Foundation of Los Angeles (LAFLA). And the pandemic, with its swift eradication of over 22 million jobs in March and April, has provided more than its fair share of hits on the stability of America’s working- and middle-class residents.
Volunteer chefs with Polo’s Pantry cook a community breakfast for all at an encampment in Van Nuys. (Photo courtesy of Polo’s Pantry)
Before the pandemic, Acedera had already begun coordinating with homeless advocacy groups Ktown for All and the SELAH Neighborhood Homeless Coalition to provide 450 weekly meals to L.A.’s homeless and other marginalized populations. Even then, she says, “We were a Band-Aid.”
Since March, confronted with toddlers shacked up in RVs with their parents and freshly unemployed day laborers living in places like “a weird corner of a gas station,” she says, she and her partners—which now include the meal subscription company Everytable—distribute an average of 4,500 meals a week. And other mutual aid feeding coalitions have risen up alongside them. “It feels like we’re going to war every day,” she says.
On the other side of the country, NYC’s largest soup kitchen, Holy Apostles, served 30,000 meals in July of 2019. A year later, that number had climbed to 123,000, including over 20,000 meals for unhoused New Yorkers.
“We’re here to pick up the pieces [when crises happen] but is it sustainable?” asks Holy Apostles’ Chief Operating Officer Michael Ottley, in a voice flecked with weariness. The group was founded in 1982 with the notion that feeding hungry people was “a temporary problem,” he says. “We [planned to] work our way out of a job because we’d solved this issue. It’s 38 years later and we’re no closer to solving the issue.”
Ananya Roy, the director of the UCLA Luskin Institute on Inequality and Democracy, partners with advocacy organizations like Ktown for All and the Los Angeles Community Action Network (LACAN), which use her research on poverty to lobby legislators. Like all the experts interviewed for this piece, she anticipates the housing and related hunger fallout from COVID-19 with dread, and she’s frustrated that policymakers have failed to act in ways that will stanch the worst of what’s to come.
“We’re starting to see an urban majority facing many kinds of insecurity, but the policies and programs people deserve are not going to arrive in time, and I have no idea how people are going to survive,” she says. “At all levels of government, inertia is very much driven by the fact that those who are going to get evicted and those who are already unhoused are politically unimportant.”
Assembling a Broader Coalition
On behalf of Polo’s Pantry and her first partners, Acedera was already piecing together food resources to make the nurturing, culturally relevant meals they deliver to Korean, Filipino, Oaxacan, and Caribbean populations, among others, and assembling a Rolodex of suppliers, including farmers at the Hollywood famers’ market, a local Ralphs, the World Harvest Food Bank, and craft services for film shoots.
When the pandemic hit, Acedera realized her efforts paralleled and sometimes intersected with those of the Hollywood Food Coalition, Hunger Action L.A., and Daniel Park’s Skid Row People’s Market, which trains and employs unhoused men and women. They recognized they had greater power if they banded together. Some started to schedule regular working groups to discuss potential for collaboration, says Acedera. “[We asked]: ‘How do we share resources, create better flow, create our own distribution system, have bigger asks of our partners, and figure out what we want out of this?’”
From left: Danny Park of Skid Row Coffee and Skid Row People’s Market, Goose Dolce of God’s Pantry, and Alex Yoon and Ray Ricafort of Eayikes, loading up food deliveries. (Photo courtesy of Polo’s Pantry)
One of their biggest priorities was building a vendor system that everyone involved could access. They started looking for a warehouse space where they could store an onslaught of welcome but sometimes flummoxing donations—two pallets of cheese one week, two pallets of frozen meat another, dozens of sheet cakes left over from a cooking show—while they figured out how to make meals out of them; and they started fundraising to hire out-of-work chefs to cook those meals.
In New York City, established feeding centers like Holy Apostles already has a strong network of suppliers, and it certainly relies on some facets of the “hunger industrial complex” for influxes of cash and food. “We’d love to live in a society where food assistance programs aren’t needed, but that’s easier said than done,” Ottley says. But the soup kitchens that are still open for business have also had to recalibrate and forge new alliances.
The city’s largest emergency feeding operations compete for the same funding and, as a result, they used to regard one another as enemies rather than allies. Now, Ottley takes monthly calls with managers at sister organizations to figure out how to turn uneaten food destined to be dumped (remember March’s plowed-under potatoes, lettuces, and onions?) into reliable supplies for the network instead. They’re also working on how to eliminate waste in the system, and how best to advocate for healthier donations and for social services.
Preparing the lunch line outside Holy Apostles. (Photo by Ada Cowan)
Still, like Acedera’s network in L.A., Holy Apostles suffers from the whims of food rescue organizations—“A pallet of low-sodium vegetable stock and another pallet of walnuts? What kind of meal is that?” fumes Ottley. Unanticipated donations also make it difficult for chefs to plan menus, or to cook the food before it spoils. Case in point: Ottley recently used grant money to purchase milk from an upstate dairy, only to get a milk donation soon after. “We’ll use it,” he says, “but we could have used our purchasing power on something else.”
Ottley can get slammed in other ways when he purchases food. Without a corporate discount from distributors like Sysco and Driscoll’s Foods, he navigates fluctuating and frequently steep prices that cut into his limited financial resources. In an attempt to counter this, he’s talking with other emergency food providers about making their purchases collectively. “It’s what we should have always been doing,” he says.
An Urgent Need for a Federal Response
What would help mitigate these intensifying crises? Long-term and enforceable eviction bans would help until the economy stabilizes, advocates for the homeless agree; so would cancelling back rent. For people who’ve already lost housing, one approach would include converting hotel rooms used as emergency shelter into functional living spaces with kitchens so that “people have control over cooking for themselves,” says Roy; decriminalizing various aspects of homelessness is another much-needed solution.
For years, LAFLA has been suing the City of Los Angeles on behalf of advocates for the homeless, for seizing and destroying their belongings, including nonperishable food and cooking supplies. Those cases, says Myers, are ongoing. Social justice workers talk a lot about peoples’ rights to housing and shelter, but in the U.S., “We have a system of negative rights,” Myers says. “With food, it’s the right not to be arrested for consuming food in public when you have no other place to do it.”
Preparing meal deliveries inside Holy Apostles. (Photo by Ada Cowan)
Litigation, though, is only a small (and slow) piece of a much larger fight. The real work, Myers says, has come from mutual aid coalitions that “can get people to think differently about what food looks like, what compassion looks like, and what society we actively want to build.” And although the idea and practice of mutual aid are nothing new, the pandemic has “opened up new avenues of collaboration and partnership, and ways people leverage support”—in California, New York, and elsewhere.
Despite much optimism around the achievements and creative thinking of community-based mutual aid and coalitions such as the one Holy Apostles has forged, NCH’s Whitehead sees little hope for meaningful relief for the secondary pandemic of homelessness intertwined with hunger without strong federal action. “We have to let Congress know that they need to get money on the ground right now,” he says. “A slow response will be devastating.”
While Americans wait and wait, “The work has been pushed on us, and it’s time for the most radical ideas to come forward,” Acedera says. “Things are completely broken. We need to plan for [emergency feeding] being a more permanent thing.”
Ottley agrees. “There’s no end in sight—for any of us,” he says.
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]]>The post How a South Carolina Farmer Is Adapting an Heirloom Rice to Withstand Climate Change appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Chalmers is now what Glenn Roberts, founder of the South Carolina grain company Anson Mills, calls a “quiet force” behind the food revival of the Sea Islands and, in particular, the renewed interest in heirloom rices. Though his face and name are largely absent from documentaries about the subject, Chalmers is responsible for developing many acres of the grain, “from north of Hilton Head Island down into Georgia,” Roberts says. All along the way, he’s been restoring habitat and heritage.
Some of Chalmers’s most important work happens on 30 marshy acres at the Turnbridge Plantation, one of hundreds of 18th-century estates that enabled white Southerners to build vast fortunes off the backbreaking, often deadly labor of enslaved men, women, and children from West Africa’s “rice coast” countries.
In the 1980s, the plantation’s then-new owner rematriated long-lost, long-grained Carolina Gold rice. Today on the property, Chalmers conducts trials on seed varietals and planting methods that can fight off salt intrusion and invasive weeds, as well as provide delicious flavor to eaters. Roberts says these trials are necessary to bring rice-growing into the future. “With sea level rise, we’re going to have to switch to salt-tolerant rice husbandry,” he said. “Already we’re looking at what we can save from these low areas, and it’s not what we’ll be growing there in 10 years.”
Chalmers has also planted other rices around the Lowcountry, including Carolina Gold’s shorter, less-fragrant cousin, Charleston Gold, on the site of the former Wormsloe Plantation in Savannah. Some of those crops are earmarked for local chefs, to boost appreciation of rice culture.
Next year, he’s also hoping to plant trials of upland red bearded rice, the ancient West African variety recently rediscovered in Trinidad.
Civil Eats spoke to Chalmers in late July about re-forging a link to his own rice-growing history, trying to drum up enthusiasm for heritage grains among a sometimes blasé populace, and what’s challenging about growing rice.
What are some hurdles to growing rice in the Lowcountry?
Working out good rice is always a challenge. You have to worry about water. You don’t have access to fresh river water like back in the days my great-grandparents were farming. Back then, you had canals that came from the Savannah River, and everyone had access, with a ditch cut into their property. Now you got to pump water.
Salt’s another problem here. We got freshwater rivers, but my fields are right on the marshes. With Hurricane Matthew [in 2016], two feet of saltwater came across the embankments. Rice will not tolerate the least bit of salt. I usually plant 30 acres at Turnbridge, but the fields are flooded now to get that salt out, so I planted up a seven-acre field this year.
You could have a super good crop, but once rice lays down [in a hurricane], it’s not gonna come back up and it’s hard to harvest, even with modern machines.
And then of course you’ve got live alligators in those fields. They lay out there all day in that fresh water, and there’s water moccasins, copperheads, all these different snakes hanging out catching frogs and mice. When you plant, you got to be real careful and watch where you’re stepping. It’s beautiful in these marshes, rivers, and creeks, but a lot of things lurk in these waters.
And yesterday, we were looking at 105 degrees, really choking, wet-hot heat—real Southern living. This is no joke; growing rice the way I grow it is the real deal, just like it was happening in the 1760s.
Is growing rice something your family did?
Both my parents were always farming, and their parents farmed, too. I pawned that off from them. My mother would tell me how they would grow Carolina Gold rice [when she was younger] and cut it and thrash it and mill it themselves, the old way. It was a whole different deal than what’s going on now.
Kids back then played a big role. Parents would grow it, and kids would go in and cut it, get it in the house, clean it up, and get some of it over to the mill. The mill was right down the road; you would take it to these people to mill it up and give them some of the harvest. But that was long gone before I was born. When I was a kid, all that rice had vanished.
How did you learn to grow it, then?
Mainly I got it from my mother, talking with her, trying to listen to what she was saying. She would tell me the time of year to go in and plant, what areas to look for where the rice grows better. These would be some of your lower areas on the property, but here in the Lowcountry, that’s why it’s called low—everywhere down here is low land.
My parents told me about getting water on the rice and keeping it at a certain level once the rice gets growing, to help stabilize it and for weed control. Certain weeds you got to get rid of to get a crop or they take over the rice field. You got hemp sesbania but the most invasive is alligator weed; it chokes everything out.
(Note: Alligator weed (Alternanthera philoxeroides) is native to South America and entered the U.S. via waterways. It can propagate from stem fragments alone, growing into dense mats of foliage that are almost impossible to eradicate.)
Does using water like that allow you to use fewer chemicals? Are there lessons here for other rice growers?
Absolutely. Other people use chemicals and tend larger fields, but I prefer working with smaller fields—that’s what I’m into. I would like to see more of it. I hope other people would start back growing with smaller rice fields in communities, if possible.
One of Rollen Chalmers’ rice fields. (Photo credit: Sarah Ross)
You’ve worked to bring Carolina Gold back. How did it get lost in the first place?
Things get lost because people lose interest. Back when my granddad was farming rice, he got seed from his mother, then he gave it to my parents, and that’s how you kept it. It started vanishing away because my uncles and aunts, nobody was interested in farming rice. They could walk in a store and buy a bag of rice for five bucks. Then all that was erased, all that was gone.
Does working with rice make you feel connected to the past?
I got a small rice field I started on Daufuskie Island five or six years ago, located at the Bloody Point Lighthouse that was built to keep ships coming out of Calibogue Sound from going into the Atlantic Ocean. A friend of mine bought it, put in a small vineyard, and I also replanted some indigo plants and sea island cotton. They grew a lot of cotton back in the 17th century and I wanted to show tourists how sea island cotton is a different, long-strand fiber that got sent back to England to make clothing for emperors.
I can see some Carolina Gold remnants on the embankments on that island. It makes you feel connected to [the past]. My ancestors were growing rice like that. The thing about it, they mainly grew it to live and survive. You would grow that rice, and it would take you through to the next year for food. It’s a real connection there, seeing how my grandparents were growing these different things. I had never seen it ’til I got into doing it myself.
Do you think people are starting to be more interested in bringing traditional varietals back?
Some people my age—59, 60—are getting back into this thing; smart people are taking an interest. People in their 30s and mid-20s, they still think we’re not gonna run out of food; they think because we’ve got farmers and government, we’re gonna have food. But with this pandemic going on, if you own land, you could survive even if you can’t get to grocery stores. I’ve got deer, wild boars, wild turkeys, and I grow grains and rice and sweet potatoes; I can stay on my property and survive.
But some people there’s no convincing. They don’t understand that at high-end restaurants the food they’re getting comes from folks just like us. If you see Carolina Gold on the menu, that’s coming from smaller guys.
We’re losing a lot of land in this area where I’m at. You got development going on: apartments, stores, houses being built. Wild quails are disappearing almost totally here in the South, but when I was a young kid, quails were everywhere. On my property and for my customers, I plant oaks and other trees that’ll produce seed and cover for birds. You bring different kinds of birds to hang out on the marshes when you plant rice on these traditional fields; they come in to get crawfish when you take the water off them.
A little bit of work with the right knowledge, and you can get these lands back up and running. But you have to have revenue to tackle these jobs of restoring and planting. There’s not a whole lot of grant money coming from the USDA because they don’t recognize it’s necessary to go back and do some of these things.
A lot’s been written about B.J. Dennis, who unearthed upland red bearded rice back in 2016. Do you think stories like that help people understand what you’re trying to do?
I think it does help; it gives us recognition with him being a chef. [In 2013], me and my wife hosted chefs here at Turnbridge during a Cook It Raw event. I took those guys deer hunting, alligator hunting, casting for blue crabs, and all this stuff was cooked in the middle of a field in a pit I dug in the ground. We showed them how you can live off the woods and the water out here.
You have to educate people. I talk to quite a few tourists on Daufuskie Island, and most of them have not seen or heard of the rice that I grow. Communicating with these people, coming out and having events like Cook It Raw, that’s the key. But we’ve also got to get the local people back into this, and for that, we need small gathering places where people feel comfortable. It comes back to the one thing it takes—money—to get this kicked off, and we don’t have it.
What kind of climate changes have you seen in the Lowcountry?
You notice that the weather, first thing in the spring, is still a little bit cool longer than it would be years ago. You got to get the soil temperature up right for rice to come up, so maybe you plant a little bit later. The way the weather is now, you don’t get frost till the last of November; years ago you’d get it by the first of October. Now you could get two crops out of rice because you get 80-degree weather in October when you should be looking at 65-degree weather.
But because of hurricane flooding, you may have to go to a hill rice instead of flood rice. With hill rice, you got to do more cultivation [to get rid of weeds], and plant in rows. It’s more work. You’ve got to get more people in and get different equipment to handle it. We started trialing hill rice a year ago, right here [at Turnbridge], just a little handful of seeds to see how they grow with no water. It grows pretty good, produces some rice, but it’s still trial and error. When I grow B.J.’s rice, I’ll try it dry and wet, probably.
If we grow hill rice at Turnbridge, we’ll have to move to a different variety; it probably won’t be Carolina Gold because that loves water and mud. It would change everything. But rice is gonna be here one way or the other.
Top photo: Rollen Chalmers prepping the Wormsloe site. (Photo credit: Sarah Ross)
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]]>The post College Food Pantries Are Reinventing Ways to Feed Students appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Seven years after he graduated, Mathews is now a consultant for nonprofits and small businesses, and co-director of the campus food pantry network College and University Food Bank Alliance (CUFBA), founded in 2012; it currently has 700 members nationwide. Mathews says that, without his college pantry, “I think I would have been in a lot more debt, or [would have] not completed my degree.”
Over the last 20 years, American college students—more likely to be older, parents or caretakers, or the first in their families to get a higher education—often get clobbered by “the new economics of college,” says Edward Conroy. He’s associate director of research communications for the Hope Center for College, Community and Justice at Temple University in Philadelphia, which has partnered with CUFBA since 2017.
American workers have experienced wage stagnation since the late ‘70s. Regardless, today’s students and their families typically pay more for tuition than in decades past, partly due to the fact that financial aid hasn’t kept pace with rising college costs, says Conroy. Within this burdensome equation, the victory of a college acceptance can be quickly tempered by another reality: the inability of a college student to reliably afford three meals a day.
Food insecurity was already rampant among college students before the pandemic, ranging from between 42 and 56 percent at two-year schools, and between 33 and 42 percent at four-year schools, according to 2019 research from the Hope Center. Indigenous and Black students experience disproportionately higher food insecurity.
When COVID-19 began to close down the country in March, hunger spiked to crisis levels for students at some institutions; they lost meal plans, housing, and jobs. The City University of New York (CUNY) reported in April that the rate of food insecurity doubled among its students over 2018 numbers, for example.
In some cases, campus pantries were able to help. In other cases, they were not, as students moved away and colleges shuttered. “So many students were already close to the edge, just surviving,” says Conroy. With the pandemic, “entire support networks disappeared.”
As researchers assemble data to assess the magnitude of what befell—and continues to befall—hungry college students, advocates are also attempting to figure out how to protect this demographic in the event of another emergency shutdown, no matter where they are.
The total number of campus-based pantries across the U.S. is unknown. What is known is that they’ve become more prevalent in the last five years in response to growing recognition of need.
The pantries vary in the ways they operate. They may be student- or administration-run, staffed by paid workers or volunteers, or open for set hours or by appointment only. They may provide shelf-stable items or supplement with fresh produce from a campus farm; function as a stand-alone entity or in conjunction with a broader Single Stop initiative that provides information on applying for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits, unemployment, and housing, as well as finding legal services and filing taxes.
What campus food pantries are not is a long-term solution. “They’re a Band-Aid,” says Conroy. “We’re never going to food pantry our way out of food insecurity.” In the short-term, though, pantries can provide necessary sustenance to students on non-resident campuses and those who can’t afford a meal plan. The research is clear that college students without reliable food access earn lower grades and suffer higher levels of stress.
The pandemic, too, increased stress levels, as well as food insecurity and parallel concerns as students were turned away from campuses; not every student, point out advocates, has a family residence to return to. Unfortunately, says Mathews, “as staff and administrators were scrambling to put together emergency action plans, campus-based food pantries may have fallen off the list in the hierarchy of things that had to be done.”
The Hope Center report corroborates this observation, finding that “students already saddled with basic needs insecurity appeared to be further forgotten by some institutions and policymakers [who] simply told students to ‘go home.’”
Despite the lack of attention and support, the report says, frantic food pantry directors tried to figure out how they could continue to feed students while still complying with orders to shut their doors—and reach students who were no longer living on campus.
“Getting food out from pantries . . . relies on students being able to get to campus,” says Conroy. This was an impossibility for anyone who moved out-of-state, and a hardship for those quarantining or facing reduced local public transportation. Some campus pantries that did remain open saw their clientele reduced to a trickle.
Mathews says that back in April, some CUFBA members reached out to the Alliance “trying to figure out alternate ways to distribute food [and] get students help at community-based food pantries. It was a perfect storm of challenges,” he says. “We were overwhelmed.”
Before that, in March, the CUNY Urban Food Policy Institute had surveyed a representative sampling of students to see how they were weathering the pandemic. They discovered that only a fraction were using CUNY food pantries (the system has 18 of them spread across 25 campuses). Instead, “70 percent went to a pantry in their own community,” says Institute director Nick Freudenberg. That makes it clear, he says, “that campus-based food assistance doesn’t make sense if people are not coming to campus. [University administrators] need to put their minds and resources to thinking of other services.”
CUNY did receive city funds to distribute $400 to each of 1,595 food-insecure students for groceries. But with an estimated 35,620 students experiencing hunger, that met only a fraction of the need.
Challenges were similar, if smaller in scope, at Philander Smith College in Little Rock, Arkansas. Its pantry remained open as the pandemic took hold and students were sent home. But as at CUNY, fewer students came in to avail themselves of food; clients served went from 512 in February to a low of 15 in May.
Eighty-five percent of Philander Smith students’ families have income below the federal poverty rate, so providing them with food relief meant quickly cobbling together three new initiatives, largely supported by private donations, according to its pantry director, Shannon Clowney-Johnson. The pantry began offering (local) students in need grab-and-go food baskets, but it also supplemented that program with $50 grocery gift cards and emergency funds in varying amounts, which could be used anywhere a student wound up.
California’s Central California Food Bank (CCFB) in Fresno, which works with eight colleges, explored the best ways to get food out to hungry students. Its partner Fresno City College, for example, increased the operating hours of its pantry during the pandemic. It also opened itself up to the general public; as a result, it experienced a 40 percent increase in clients—from 3,900 to 5,700 a month, although how much of that traffic was from students is unclear.
Other college pantries affiliated with CCFB either closed or saw radical decreases in clients. In these instances, CCFB reduced programming, says co-CEO Natalie Capales, and “tried to fill gaps by increasing services through other agency partners serving the same geography, as well as creating programming to expand our reach.”
One of these expanded services is Groceries2Go, which allows clients to make an appointment for an in-person pickup. The other is Take Care, a delivery service that proved a success, with nearly all pick-up slots, for between 800 and 1,000 boxes a week, reaching maximum capacity, says Capales.
“Restaurants have gone to mobile apps and curbside delivery, and we’ve seen a sprinkling of that kind of tech in the hunger relief sector,” CUFBA’s Mathews first told Civil Eats in early June. By July, he’d heard from even more pantries that had adopted services like Microsoft Bookings to allow students to virtually arrange pick-ups.
Those interviewed for this article don’t expect the increased levels of food insecurity among college students to drop off anytime soon. “These challenges are not temporary,” cautions the Hope Center in its report. That’s not only because epidemiologists predict that the novel coronavirus will linger for months, if not years, but because the havoc it has created in many already at-risk systems cannot be easily undone.
“Levels of food insecurity among the general population of New York are still sky-high,” says CUNY’s Freudenberg. “People are regularly spending more money on food than pre-COVID, and large numbers of households have unemployed members and no income.”
Freudenberg, Conroy, and others already strongly advocated for revised thinking about how to address food need among college students. The pandemic has only increased their insistence on the urgent necessity for change.
For starters, Freudenberg wants to work to ensure maximum student enrollment in SNAP. A pre-pandemic report showed that 41 percent of surveyed CUNY students were eligible, but only 20 percent were enrolled (for starters, many students believe, erroneously, that they aren’t eligible). “If they can get $100 or $200 a month for food, that’s a concrete way to increase food security,” Freudenberg says.
University administrations everywhere should prioritize connecting students with SNAP, which contains regulations that were “actively written to discourage them from applying, to reduce the cost of the program,” Conroy says. “This is where institutions can help.”
Additionally, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation is funding a new Hope Center project “to look at emergency aid as a potential solution,” Conroy says. “There’s some increasing evidence that [this] could help students bridge gaps in resources and stop them from dropping out of school.”
And there’s also some chatter around the idea of a universal free meal program at colleges—an extension of the National School Lunch program—which Conroy calls a “genuine, ambitious, policy proposal that we’ve suggested.” Already, on an individual institutional level, a vaguely affiliated concept, Swipe Out Hunger, which transfers unused meal swipes from student to student, shows some promise, he says.
These overhauls go hand-in-hand with calls from various quarters to rework the financial aid system or pivot to debt-free college. More immediately, though, advocates hope universities will work quickly to prepare for future pandemics.
Do campus food pantries “have disaster plans in place?” asks Capales of CCFB. “Are they taking the time to evaluate what they did well and where they had gaps they need to shore up? They need to reflect on how they could’ve responded differently [this time] and start institutionalizing some of those processes now. Don’t wait.”
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]]>The post Community Food Co-ops Are Thriving During the Pandemic appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Photo courtesy of Kilgus Dairy.
When the coronavirus pandemic shuttered the schools, coffee houses, and other wholesale customers of Kilgus Farmstead, a beloved family-run meat and dairy operation about 100 miles southwest of Chicago, its owners were forced to dump product, thin their herd, and scramble to find new outlets.
Then Green Top cooperative grocery in Bloomington, Illinois, stepped in to help. They took Kilgus’s plight as a call to (social media) arms, advertising a two-for-one milk special and appealing to community members to “help some farmers unload some milk and bring in some income,” says board member Melanie Shellito.
Soon after, early in the morning on April 14, a Kilgus refrigerated truck arrived at the co-op to deliver crates of milk. Within hours, that stock was sold out—a feat repeated the next day and which yielded, all told, milk sales 10 times higher than average for the co-op. “Everyone was thrilled to help,” says Shellito.
Similar tales of co-ops stepping in to take farmers’ otherwise market-less bounty—and concurrently boosting their own inventories—have been unfolding across the country since mid-March. Partially as a result, “A lot of co-ops have seen their biggest sales days in their histories,” says Erbin Crowell, executive director of the 39-member Neighboring Food Co-op Association (NFCA) based in Massachusetts. (Grocery and beverage store sales overall went up more than 25 percent in March, while stores prices nationwide experienced their highest jump in 50 years in April.)
This is an alternative narrative to reports of thwarted national supply chains hampering supermarkets’ ability to keep shelves stocked. And it’s left many in the cooperative grocery world wondering why, in an era of discussion about the importance of regional connections to food security, co-ops—with their built-in devotion to the local food movement, relationships with small farmers, and commitment to community building—have been overlooked as a vital cog in that wheel. And they wonder, too, if the current crisis will show Americans, once and for all, why shopping at a food co-op is worthy of their consideration.
Designed to Support Their Local Communities—and Each Other
Cooperatives are simply businesses or organizations that are owned and run by their members; in addition to consumer-facing entities like grocery stores, they include health centers, daycares, and credit unions. The first co-op groceries opened in North America in the early 20th century. Ever since, their popularity has ebbed and flowed, then often spiked in response to stock market crashes, corporate exploitation, and the racism that cut African Americans out of the usual procurement chains—and which compelled civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois to call for a separate, cooperative, economy as a means to financial independence.
“Out of necessity, Black folks during the Civil Rights movement had to create co-ops to get services,” says Cornelius Blanding, executive director of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives (FSC), an association of 75 Black (mostly) farmer co-ops that share costly resources like trucks, marketing, and packing and distribution facilities.
Packing greens for local markets at Indian Springs Farmers Co-op in Mississippi. (Photo courtesy of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives.)
During one of their heydays, through the tanking economy of the 1950s, consumer co-ops numbered around 20,000 and boasted 6 million members. Today, an estimated 380 co-op storefronts pepper the American grocery-scape, a number that includes 93 co-ops that opened after the 2008 recession.
Co-op groceries have gone out of their way to be responsive to the needs of their communities.
Co-ops suffer an unfortunate reputation, possibly left over from their association in the 1970s with the natural foods movement, as being “only for hippies or the food ‘elite,’” writes Jon Steinman in his recent book, Grocery Story. In truth, according to Crowell of NFCA, food co-ops have evolved since those patchouli-scented days. “They’ve gone out of their way to be responsive to the needs of their communities,” he says. “What you’ll see now is a broad mix of mainstream products alongside natural, sustainable, bulk organic products.”
In the co-op world, buying local is a given. On average, local sales account for 20 percent of co-op revenue nationally, versus 6 percent at supermarkets, “and we’re serious about getting it to 30 percent,” says C.E. Pugh, CEO of co-op member association National Co+op Grocers. The average co-op also sources from 300 vendors, as opposed to 30 among conventional grocers. “That diversity of supply served co-ops well during the pantry-loading season of the first three pandemic weeks, and that resiliency is holding up,” Pugh says.
In addition to sourcing locally, the cooperative movement considers building a support system among co-ops another of its seven guiding principles. It’s why NFCA helped launch five new co-ops in the Northeast in the last 10 years; and it’s why they’re collaborating with Blanding and FSC to buy pecans and watermelons from the organization’s farmers, who lost 85 percent of their markets in the pandemic. It’s also why National Co+op Grocers members have been holding frequent tele-meetings to share best practices for keeping staff and shoppers safe.
Photo courtesy of Green Top Grocery.
As new customers are pulled in by reports of full shelves, they find, as a bonus, that safety protocols not in evidence at some supermarkets—masks, hand sanitizer, staggered entry, even pre-paid curbside delivery—are often out in full force at the co-op; the hope is that they’ll be inspired to return even after the pandemic has run its course.
Co-ops are entities that are designed to serve community members, whether staff, shoppers, or farmers, and as such, they’re “show[ing] how inherently different they are than other retailers,” says Benjamin Bartley, a Penn State extension educator who contributed to a brief on COVID-19 farm-to-consumer sales. Over the last three chaotic months, that difference has helped some of them thrive.
Pivoting in a Pandemic
That’s because the things that make a co-op a co-op make it flexible in a crisis. “Most grocery stores are run by very large corporations,” says “Supermarket Guru” Phil Lempert. “Even when you look at small chains like Stewart’s,” which has 335 locations in New York and Southern Vermont, “there’s a corporate hierarchy that doesn’t exist in co-ops. That allows [them] to make decisions quickly.”
For example, “When my local Kroger was running out of eggs, produce, flour, my co-op contacted local farms and said, ‘Where are you hurting, what can you not sell, how can we help?’” says Jacqueline Hannah, assistant director of the Food Co-op Initiative, which advises co-op startups.
“The best thing about the local food movement is that we have a different supply chain, and when demand increases, we’re able to move more quickly with local suppliers,” says Jeremy DeChario, general manager of Syracuse Cooperative Market in upstate New York. “We’re also going onto Facebook groups for farmers that have seen a decrease in their wholesale business and saying, ‘Give us a call if you’ve got product,’ so we can help them stay afloat.”
When the pandemic first hit the Northeast, most available local produce was winter crops such as squash, potatoes, and apples pulled from cold storage. That’s shifted to include lettuces, asparagus, and other fresh vegetables as the growing season has begun even in chillier regions of the country.
Katie Bishop is a farmer at PrairiErth, a 35-acre operation outside Atlanta, Illinois, that in 2019 supplied 60 percent of its vegetables to restaurants and retailers, including three Midwestern co-ops; the other 40 percent went to CSAs and farmers’ markets. Now that there’s no restaurant business to speak of, and “customers don’t feel comfortable at markets or coming to the farm, co-ops provide us with a safe place to continue to do business,” Bishop says.
(Photo courtesy of PrairiErth)
Unlike supermarkets, which require a steady stream of “usuals”—perfect-looking broccoli, peppers, romaine—co-ops can take almost anything Bishop offers. “As soon as we sell out of sweet potatoes, [customers] want our seconds,” she says.
Nevertheless, for farmers to have success supplying co-ops in the long-term, there’s a huge need for aggregators, says Bishop. This is because “so many farmers in our area are of a [small] scale where [lower] wholesale prices don’t fit their business plan. But if they have produce they can’t sell at a farmers’ market, or they have no experience with CSAs, they’re gonna be stuck.”
At the moment, there’s only one existing U.S. distributor, Co-op Partners Warehouse in St. Paul, that’s built its business on supplying co-ops. A co-op itself, when the pandemic began wreaking havoc on supply chains, “we found we were able to get product where other distributors, which carried items from the same farms, could not,” says inside sales and marketing manager Lori Zuidema. Why? “Co-ops have a long precedent of being ethical, and our buyer has a 20-year history of developing relationships with small farmers. Also, we’re good at paying.”
Overcoming Barriers, Serving with ‘Love and Care’
“After every disaster, co-ops fill the void, and you start having a groundswell of people who want to join,” says FSC’s Blanding. But the barriers to starting co-ops, let alone keeping them running, are hefty.
For starters, there’s an educational hurdle: People think they have to become members (not necessarily) or work on-site (rare, due to labor laws). Also, the power of “community ownership and democratic control is not a story that’s familiar,” says NFCA’s Crowell. Although he admits, “It’s easy for co-ops to blame lack of awareness for our difficulties when we need to better communicate what makes us different.”
Co-ops are expensive to launch and operate. “There was a time when for $1 million you could open a nice store,” says Pugh of NCG. “Now it can be as much as $10 million, and a grassroots organization has a great deal of difficulty raising that much capital, period, the end.” (And it’s worth noting that the famous and usually sturdy Park Slope Food Co-op in Brooklyn—of which this writer is a member—is struggling during the pandemic, because it’s hiring all paid employees, rather than using mostly member labor, for the first time in its 47-year history.)
There’s also stiff competition from conventional supermarkets, which have jumped on the local and sustainable bandwagons—whether or not their offerings truly meet those criteria. Explains Crowell, “We’re never going to beat a monopoly like Amazon [on price]; it’s not how scale works.”
“We have great potential to build local infrastructure and build a more healthy and just sustainable food system.”
Regardless, the list of pluses is long, and for those inclined to rattle them off, they far outweigh the challenges—especially during crises. “Co-ops serve with love and care and kindness, and people are coming in and finding new community, which resonates in a time of uncertainty,” says Pugh. That concept of community extends to workers, to whom many co-ops are providing hazard pay.
For Crowell, community building and outreach are where co-ops shine. “We have great potential to build local infrastructure, and to work across class and race and regions to build a more healthy and just sustainable food system,” he says.
Blanding agrees. “It all comes down to people helping themselves, and in order for that to happen, you have to cooperate. The pandemic opens our eyes to how basic our need for human contact really is.”
“The way we’ve come together to support our communities in this crisis has been a moment of light in the darkness and for us to realize, we weren’t playing around,” says Hannah of the Food Co-Op Initiative. “We’re collectively building something that makes a difference. Imagine what would happen if we doubled down.”
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]]>The post NYC Food Czar Kathryn Garcia is Overseeing a Massive Supply Chain and Feeding the Hungry appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>April 15, 2020 update: New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio announced today a $170 million emergency food plan, which includes spending $50 million to stock 18 million nonperishable meals.
On March 22, with New York City grappling with 9,654 confirmed cases of COVID-19, Mayor Bill de Blasio named Kathryn Garcia, commissioner of the Department of Sanitation, as “COVID-19 food czar” to the five boroughs. The news came two days after Governor Andrew Cuomo ordered non-essential businesses to shutter and residents to shelter in place, and as de Blasio was taking heat for what the Columbia Journalism Review described as a “lackluster” response to the pandemic.
Regarding his decision to appoint Garcia—touted as the city’s “go-to crisis manager” for her work responding to the housing authority’s lead paint scandal, for example—de Blasio spoke of the need for “New Yorkers [to] have a steady supply of food, whether that is a home-delivered meal or provisions from a grocery store,” with a special emphasis on the city’s most vulnerable populations, including those made newly food-insecure as a result of the pandemic.
In the two weeks since her appointment, Garcia has coordinated a massive effort to get food into the city and out to the people who need it most. She’s working closely with the Mayor’s Office of Food Policy “to ensure we are connecting all the dots and not leaving any New Yorkers behind,” says Director Kate MacKenzie—as well as with many other city agencies, food banks, and philanthropic organizations. She spoke with Civil Eats on April 4, just after the city expanded the Department of Education’s grab-and-go meal program from serving children exclusively to serving New Yorkers of any age.
What are the challenges to keep supply chains strong right now?
We’re seeing massive consumer changes, [and] not only with panic buying, which is working itself out. With everyone at home, we suddenly have a city of bakers, and people are looking for more calorie-dense foods. There is food coming into the city, but on any given [normal] day, 40 percent of it goes to restaurants, and we’re now scrambling to serve the grocery market. The real challenge there is in the labor sector. People are sick, people are scared, and [that leads to] not having enough people in stores to shelve food. It’s a significant constraint.
One thing that has been somewhat helpful is that there’s strong diversity within the system: We’re not reliant on any one supply chain. But there is concern that in a month or two, other parts of the country will be significantly impacted [by COVID-19], which could impact our supply chain. So we’re looking back to the Midwest: Are they planting? Getting the labor they need into the fields so we don’t have issues in two months’ time?
We’re also doing things like counting the number of trucks coming into [Bronx food distribution hub] Hunts Point every day and trying to figure out how to keep them coming; drivers need a layover space, access to restaurants and food that’s socially distant so they’re not spending any time in the city and encountering people, so they can stay safe.
School-based grab-and-go meals for kids went into effect in mid-March, and on April 3, you expanded the program to include three free meals a day for all New Yorkers. How is it working so far?
We’re really beefing up all our emergency feeding programs, whether at food pantries or through grab-and-go at [435 public] schools. And with philanthropic support, we continue to expand our ability to do home delivery for fragile populations. We’re also figuring out which populations are on the sidelines and getting them back into the labor force; we’ve activated taxi and Uber and Lyft drivers who are now unemployed and are pairing them at [six] distribution sites [at parks and recreation centers] to do meal delivery.
We’re also working with Small Business Services to figure out how to get grocery stores more employees for restocking. We’re in contact with big associations of grocers, with ethnic associations of grocers, with trucking associations, with the nonprofit and advocate sectors, talking to them about what they’re seeing on the ground, how we can be more supportive, how we can keep them strong so they can still be providers. It’s a lot of coordination and rebuilding of the market at a moment of incredibly rapid change, when people have turned on a dime and are behaving completely differently because they’re sheltering in place.
New York on a “normal” day has 1.2 million food-insecure residents, and that number is thought to have increased exponentially since coronavirus became an issue. How much of the need for meals have you been able to meet?
We did north of 200,000 meals [on April 3 alone], between grab-and-go and all the other programs going on in the city; [about 70,000 of those meals] went to seniors. [Editor’s note: The Department for the Aging is working to serve its usual population, but with senior centers closed, this means grab-and-go options and delivery by the Office of Emergency Management.] There is more need out there but also a lot of fear, with people afraid to go outside. That’s why we are rapidly trying to expand the capacity to do home delivery, even for seniors who are usually independent, who went to the grocery store and made their own food, because even if they’re well-off and can pay, grocery delivery is hampered by not having enough staff.
We also need to get food to people that’s what they’re used to eating. Obviously, we have very diverse communities, with many dietary restrictions [and preferences]. We’re working with foundations and trusted organizations in Mexican-American and Asian-American neighborhoods—and we also have a very large Orthodox population—to get them foods they’re accustomed to.
How are you reaching people in low-resource communities that might not be able to access relevant information online about where to go for food?
We’ve done a lot of robo-calls into those communities to get the word out, and anyone can call 311, which has language access. For the sheltered population, delivery for [COVID-19] isolation and other shelters is being run through the Department of Social Services, which has its own emergency feeding contracts.
For the undocumented, there are no screens for citizenship, and no screen of any kind on any of the meals we’re home delivering. We are connecting with trusted social service organizations and coordinating with them to get food to those populations. For example, we are actively trying to work with our farmers’ market network to reach in there and do pop-ups.
Who is actually making meals right now?
Right now [essential cafeteria workers at] schools are making meals for grab-and-go, and we have been contracting with bigger firms, like [food recovery non-profit] Rethink Food, that can put together meal delivery in a standardized way [so there’s no duplication or overlap in efforts, or inconsistency in service].
Have you been learning from the emergency feeding efforts of other cities, or vice-versa?
We’ve talked to some folks on the West Coast, but we all have different challenges in terms of how many people were food-insecure before and how many people are suddenly food-insecure now. We are sharing what we’re doing, and looking for opportunities to think outside the box, but no one was prepared for something of this scale, and obviously in New York, it’s hitting faster than it is in other places.
There’s been a surge of interest in growing food, and community gardens in NYC opened on April 1. Are there ways to support these efforts?
Any of the normal things you would do in a hunger crisis, like big soup kitchen feedings, do not work here. The issue with community gardens is social distancing, and we really need to make sure we’re not together in any way and that when we are outside, we are covering our faces with masks. Right at this moment, it’s not viable to put people together communally. Being safe is more important. The next two weeks are going to be really tough, until we bend that curve.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
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]]>The post The Farm Bureau Takes a Step to Shore Up the Struggling Dairy Market appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Adding insult to injury, organic processor Trickling Springs shuttered amid a financial scandal in September, leaving farmers with one less outlet for their milk. And the biggest milk company in the U.S., Dean Foods, filed for bankruptcy in November; its attempted merger with the country’s biggest co-op, Dairy Farmers of America, is currently facing an antitrust probe.
But in a move that surprised some industry analysts, the American Farm Bureau Federation (AFBF)—an insurance company and lobbying group that has often been closely aligned with Big Ag—voted to “support the creation of a farmer- and industry-led milk management system” at its annual convention late last month.
Dairy supply management—matching milk supply and demand in order to stabilize prices for farmers—is an approach some U.S. ag interests considered too radical as recently as last year, when AFBF voted against it at its 2019 convention.
“AFBF has [actually] supported supply management since the 2014 Farm Bill,” says Travis Klinkner, a sixth generation dairy farmer who sits on the dairy committee of the Wisconsin Farm Bureau (WFB). Although, that portion of the bill “was ditched at the last minute before voting.”
But wording in AFBF’s policy lumped supply management with mandatory per-state quotas, a prong of the more than 50-year-old Canadian system that AFBF opposes. Decoupling these two concepts this past January allowed AFBF to vote in favor of the former while continuing to dismiss the latter, according to AFBF chief economist John Newton. “It was really just a matter of semantics,” he says.
Still, Austin Frerick, deputy director of the Thurman Arnold Project at Yale University, describes the shift as “a very big moment for the Farm Bureau. They’re at a fork in the road where they have to decide: Are they on the side of farmers, or are they on the side of industry?”
Without quotas to stanch the tide of cheap milk flooding the market from large-scale dairy operations exploding in Arizona and elsewhere, Frerick—a lifelong Iowan and ag-industry observer who has been critical of the Iowa Farm Bureau—says he isn’t sure how a supply management program would prevent further farm losses. A concentrated animal feeding operation (CAFO) that supplies a $1.30 gallon of milk to Walmart, he says, “has an unfair advantage in cutting corners to get to a lower price that drives family farms out of business.”
AFBF is in favor of “free and fair trade,” in Newton’s words. But constantly changing export markets for American milk have also helped drive oversupply, which is directly linked to low milk prices. When those markets have proven “fickle,” says Lynne McBride, executive director of pro-supply-management California Dairy Campaign (CDC), “it’s caused unprecedented stress in the industry.”
Nevertheless, McBride says there is a way forward. She sees the first step as instituting an incentive program whereby “if [farmers] increase production beyond profitable demand, they’re not going to get paid the same for that milk.” McBride says that without such incentives, some dairy farms will continue to overproduce. “[That’s] why you see surges in production now, to take advantage of that,” she says. A farmer might overproduce when prices are low, to boost revenue, or when prices are high, to make as much money as possible while they’re able.
Milk co-ops such as Massachusetts-based Agri-Mark and Prairie Farms in Illinois already function like this, with base excess plans that do not reward overproduction. Some would like to take this a step further, with a “market access fee plan” that would also charge farmers who overproduce a fee to be distributed to other co-op members who’ve stayed within agreed-upon production limits, says Klinkner. He and the rest of WFB’s dairy committee has been working with the Vermont Farm Bureau to develop a supply management model—they call it “growth management”—that could garner broad support.
“You can have growth management and not have a monetary quota like Canada … which in some cases created unnecessary headaches by creating artificial values” for cattle and other dairy farm investments, Klinkner explained by email.
The industry also needs other strategies to cut back on production. “Milk productivity of cows has gone up over the years, but you can change [their] nutrition to limit that,” CDC’s McBride says. (The diet cows are fed can either increase or decrease the amount of milk they produce.)
Additionally, McBride says, “excess milk doesn’t make sense with the environmental challenges we’re facing”—why spend money on water and fertilizer for milk that could get dumped?—“and it hurts milk prices.” It doesn’t take much curtailing to see an improvement, though. McBride explains that a tiny decrease in production of .1 percent last March is what led to 2019’s price rise—which had a significantly positive affect on struggling farmers. But the fact that this drop “just happened” due to a variety of triggers, rather than being purposefully implemented by the dairy industry, “just points to the problem we’re facing,” says McBride.
CDC and the Wisconsin and Vermont Farm Bureaus support “manag[ing] supply at a level nationally [to] generate a stable and profitable pay price,” which benefits consumers, too, says Klinkner. He says that a $5 increase per hundredweight of milk would increase the price of a gallon by only 43 cents, while providing meaningful stability for farmers.
Yet another strategy: building a market for local whole milk within the National School Lunch Program. “Imagine if in Wisconsin schools all the milk they served was coming from Wisconsin family farms. That procurement [change] would be so powerful for the climate, and for rural development,” says Frerick.
And the support such a policy could engender for local farmers, says McBride, “is really important to those economies, because they have a ripple effect. Dairies generate a lot of jobs that lead to a thriving rural economy.”
The overarching benefit of these strategies is that they can be implemented now, by farmers and processors, “to help ease the stress in the short term,” says Klinkner. Larger, systemic change has to wait for the next renegotiation of the farm bill, which isn’t scheduled for an update until at least 2023.
Nevertheless, “We’re on track to get [supply management] into the next farm bill if we can come up with a unified plan among industry organizations,” says Klinkner. “More farmers and processors are tired of the system we are in and fighting to survive.”
Which leads to the question on many people’s minds: What would an AFBF-supported milk management program look like? CDC and the Wisconsin and Vermont Farm Bureaus endorse a three-tiered plan that includes managing supply on a national level, negotiating fair prices, and establishing a more effective trade policy. Getting this into the next farm bill means that all the various industry-related organizations will have to agree on it. “We need a nationwide, coordinated approach to change the direction and fix the system,” says McBride.
“We haven’t endorsed a specific proposal at this point,” says AFBF’s Newton. “If the industry comes forward with a concept, our members can look at it and evaluate it to see if it’s something we want to consider.”
Frerick calls AFBF’s January vote in support of supply management largely “symbolic.” But what it does, says Klinkner, is “open doors. It puts AFBF and all the state Farm Bureaus in a position to work with other organizations … toward a common plan.”
Says McBride, “We think for the Farm Bureau to even have supply management in its policy [now] is a big deal, and I’m hopeful this will improve our outlook. It couldn’t happen too soon.”
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]]>The post Social Roots Seed Company Wants to ‘Reseed the Lowcountry’ appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>But a confluence of cultures, mashed together by oppression, produced a rich, hodgepodge local cuisine based on corn and squash from the Americas, pigs and brassicas from Europe, and field peas, okra, and sesame from Africa. A quintessential Lowcountry dish is Hoppin’ John, which is made of red peas, rice, and salt pork.
When chefs began to revive this and other 200-year-old recipes a few years back, “the oldest generation of diners said, ‘There’s something wrong,’” explains food historian David Shields. “Chefs were using a grain-commodity rice called cocodrie and California #10 black-eyed peas.” What was wrong with the dish, Shields says, is that the flavors had been eradicated by commercial monocultures.
Sarah Ross is working to change this. Three years ago, Ross, the executive director of the University of Georgia Center for Research and Education at Wormsloe (UGA-CREW), founded a (now) nonprofit seed company called Social Roots. She wants to use the organization to bring flavor back to the region. But more than that, she says, “We need to increase the repertoire of heirlooms that can meet new growing conditions brought on by climate change.” For that, she aims to get a whole lot of people growing out her seeds—and learning to save them like the critical food-security resource they are.
Ross is hardly alone in her desire to “reseed the Lowcountry,” as her company’s tagline describes. Glenn Roberts of South Carolina grain company Anson Mills, for example, has revived heritage varietals such as Carolina Gold rice, Sea Island red peas, and benne (AKA sesame). Small local (for-profit) seed companies like Sow True Seeds and Southern Exposure Seed Exchange offer heirlooms and landrace varieties such as Alabama blue collards, Georgia jet sweet potatoes, and the rare White Stoney Mountain watermelon.
For her part, Ross in 2016 started pulling together heirloom crop seeds—beans, okras, squashes, peanuts—that were either historically grown in the region, or that might since have become climatically appropriate. They come from the USDA’s seed banks, more than a dozen local seed companies, and from swaps Ross has participated in for years. After researching the varietals’ deliciousness and resilience, she whittled her possibilities down to 470 varieties of fruits and vegetables. Then she started growing the seeds out, “to see which ones have the widest range of tolerance to erratic weather patterns, so they can adapt,” she says.
Photo by Bill Durrance.
Ross conducts field trials on two farms. One is on the site of the former Wormsloe Plantation in Savannah, where she’s received permission to farm for free in the sandy soil of the oldest agricultural field in Georgia. Records of 18th century life at Wormsloe—first farmed by colonizers in 1735—show that at least three varieties of corn were grown there, as well as pumpkins, tomatoes, sugarcane, and the black runner peanut, which Ross is raising on-site. She says it’s “finicky to cultivate, but its flavor is out of this world—deep, sweet, like a toasted pecan.”
The other farm is Ross’s own heavy-clay-soil acreage in northern North Carolina, which sits at an elevation of 3,000 feet and is outside Lowcountry borders. “Everything about these locations is very different,” she says. “I want to make sure the seeds I distribute are indomitable, so a 10-year-old child without adult supervision could be successful growing them, and that they’ll work almost anywhere.”
Last year was the most difficult growing season Ross can remember, with hotter hot days, warmer cold days, and an overabundance of ravenous insect pests. Climate change is handily making the case for the relevance of her project.
Ross is drawn to what she calls “the most typical Southern foods.” She’s trialed 37 varieties of collard greens—chosen after an exploratory trip to Seed Savers Exchange in Iowa—seven varieties of sweet potatoes, seven kinds of kale, and 40 types of okra. The brassicas have been especially challenging to raise for seed, requiring half-mile isolation distances between them to keep their genetics pure. Growing them out has meant “timing the plantings to be vigilant about not having flowers blooming from multiple varieties at the same time,” she says. In the end, if there ever is such a thing, she’d like to further reduce her seed varieties to 150.
Last year, having registered Social Roots as a nonprofit, Ross implemented the next phase of her project: giving seeds away. Anyone can request seeds through Social Roots’ website; she’s sent packets to people in more than a dozen states, no more than two per customer. Ross says making money is “almost the antithesis of the point for me,” and that her focus is on empowering local communities to take charge of their own food security.
“What Sarah is doing is making people aware of their own agency in this changing world,” says Ira Wallace, a worker/owner at the Southern Exposure Seed Exchange cooperative. “She sees the possibility to reinvigorate individual participation in the food system, not just as cooks and eaters, but as growers again.” For Ross’s “gift economy” approach to work, free access to Wormsloe’s land helps, as do small, anonymous donations.
Photo by Bill Durrance.
Throughout spring and summer of 2019, Ross handed out a total of 1,600 seed packets to shoppers at five farmers’ markets in North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and Georgia, doling out advice as well, giving talks to garden groups and clubs. She sent other packets on to interested gardeners at state parks, historic sites, Charleston’s public libraries, and churches. Some recipients promptly started growing them out and sending her photos, “of plants growing behind their house, in pots and rows,” she says. “They text me about what they’ve done and how excited they are.”
What she’s hoping they’ll all do next is save seeds from the crops they’ve grown—what Wallace calls the critical, “traditional activity to maintain diversity, so we’ll have choices in an unpredictable future.”
A colleague of Ross’s, Luke Roberson, grew out rattlesnake beans and candy roaster squash this past spring in Richmond Hill, Georgia. As Adopt-a-Wetland program coordinator at UGA’s Extension, Roberson is keenly aware of the need for seeds that can withstand the Lowcountry’s “saltier water due to seawater rise, droughts becoming more common, and the fact that it’s becoming harder and harder to find water to keep backyard gardens going,” he says.
Beyond the academic necessity of the enterprise, he says he also enjoyed the simple act of “stripping” dried beans with his son, “I grew up doing this kind of thing with my family in Kentucky, sitting around and snapping beans for hours and hours. It was a good family bonding moment.”
Historian David Shields thinks that “reseeding” on a transformative scale requires the input of many—including institutions like the Carolina Gold Rice Foundation (not related to genetically modified Golden Rice) that he and Ross both sit on the board of, which aims to restore regional grains; and universities that educate young farmers on specialty crops that will bring them a high price in the marketplace. But he also thinks Ross’s act of putting seeds into the hands of regular folks is necessary to “disrupt humans from their sense that food comes from the grocery store.”
Ross points out that seed archives are fragile, and easily lost. She tells of giving back okra seeds she’d received from the noted, now-deceased Gullah-Geechee historian Cornelia Bailey, whose family had grown them since the 1800s, to Bailey’s son, who no longer had any, and the beauty of reestablishing deep agricultural roots. To her, this kinds of hyper-localized community efforts, rather than those of large international seed banks, are where the real work of global food security lies. “As phenomenally important as the USDA [seed banks] and the Svalbard [Global Seed Vault] are, they are repositories for biodiversity, not places we can call up to get seeds to plant five acres of corn,” she says.
As Ross gets ready to continue her trials in the 2020 growing season, she’s also hoping that she gets enough donations in the coming months to hire a student assistant to set up community gardens with her product. In such places “all across the planet,” she envisions gardeners young and old, new and established, growing the seeds that we “need to share, or risk losing forever.”
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]]>The post The Formerly Incarcerated are Reviving Newark’s Cider Industry at Ironbound Farm appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>“A guy on the block with me, he did a lot of time,” says Williams, whose own father went to prison when Williams was two years old. “When he saw me out there [again] he said, ‘Why you being selfish, walking around when you got a wife and kids?’ I’m a certified hustler. I can get a lot of money. But that right there made me say, ‘I’m gonna work.’”
Williams is one of the 9,000 people who leave prison in New Jersey every year only to be confronted with a dilemma: What comes next? Life back on the streets beckons, with easy cash and familiar parameters, and many are likely to return to prison. According to the official stats, New Jersey’s 2016 recidivism rates were around 31 percent, about the same as the federal numbers.
James Williams at Ironbound Farms.
Seeking a job is hardly an obvious counter-move. Many reentrants often have interrupted educations, few viable skills, and little to no employment history. They may only have the option to earn minimum wage—currently $10 an hour in New Jersey, a rate that doesn’t cover monthly basics. And they often have a host of both practical and emotional wrap-around needs. Additionally, it’s common to have potential employers “looking at your criminal background and saying ‘no, no, no,’” Williams says.
Charles Rosen founded Ironbound Farm with these inequities in mind. A former ad agency owner who had launched several alcohol brands, Rosen was looking to put his “progressive values” to meaningful use. He wanted to “create a model for Newark’s chronically underserved people in order to rekindle the local economy,” he says. Hard cider, a historically important Newark beverage, was the fastest-growing segment of the alcohol category at the time, and a way, Rosen hoped, to build a self-sustaining business to keep his social-justice work going.
As Rosen discovered, though, even the strongest intention to do right by this hard-to-serve population does not guarantee the desired results. It does, however, offer a swift education in a thorny, deeply racist corrections system that puts a majority percentage of American men and women of color behind bars and seems to do everything in its power to keep them there.
One man and one business can’t solve the challenges underserved communities face, but can one man make his business work better for some—and serve as a role model in the process? “My success,” says Rosen, “is connected to theirs.”
It’s not that Rosen didn’t know there were challenges going in. As a “typical social-justice-warrior-white-knight,” he says, in semi-mocking self-derision, he saw the ways opportunity is stripped for communities of color in battered cities like Newark. There, only 18 percent of jobs are held by local residents, as opposed to commuters, and almost one in four Black men have been involved in the criminal justice system.
Newark is where Rosen started a workforce renewal effort in 2012—for the first year partnering with reentry organization Prodigal Sons and Daughters—with a job-readiness class for hirable reentrants. “A lot of these guys had never had a legal occupation before,” says Rosen, and the class was a way to “create a routine” in preparation for employment.
Charles Rosen.
In 2013, with a Columbia University professor, he developed his own curriculum for reentrants: weekly classes that touched on identity value, emotional intelligence, and conflict resolution. (The curriculum is currently being revamped, although classes still meet at the farm about once a month.) When he bought the orchard, where all crops are raised regeneratively, he “hired farm managers trained in horticultural therapy as an additional tool in helping heal and strengthen our chronically underemployed community.”
Rosen also knew of the data linking employment to staying out of prison. According to New Jersey’s Assistant Commissioner for Workforce Development Hugh Bailey, research shows that “the longer the gap between getting out and connecting with some form of employment-based intervention, the greater the chance for recidivism.”
To lessen that risk—successfully, as it turns out—the state’s departments of Labor and Corrections partnered to give the soon-to-be-released access to Workforce Navigators, who guide them in possible careers. They’re also made aware of “which of 21 One-Stop [Career Centers] are ready to receive them when they’re released and provide a pathway to employment,” says Bailey.
Rosen owns that he thought he could simply hire a bunch of these folks and bring them to grow apples in his orchard, then sit back and watch the “environmental repair, community development, and human healing” begin. He calls that hubris “audacious” now.
[pico_box]For starters, not all reentrants were interested in what he was offering. Rosen’s first orchard workforce was a 10-person crew heavy on current and former gang members, says Williams, “going, ‘I ain’t listening to them‘”—even for $15 an hour, plus health insurance and transportation costs. Some wound up back on the streets and back in prison in short order. Williams admits that he started “with one foot in and one foot out” and experienced a “slip-up,” briefly dealing drugs again.
“We learned that providing living wages was just the very beginning of the process,” says Rosen.
Ultimately, finding a job is the tip of the iceberg when it comes to reentering society.
The formerly incarcerated often need help getting driver’s licenses reinstated. They may have lost critical forms of ID, like Social Security cards. They don’t have suitable work clothes or access to childcare. They might need addiction counseling or job training. Reentrants with felonies might be banned from subsidized Section 8 housing, so may not be able to return to their families without risking them getting kicked out. They can incur criminal justice debt—for everything from medical care they received in prison, to court filing and victim restitution fees—that follows them when they’re released.
“Intentional work is needed to address employment for people with prior histories,” says Nicole Porter, director of advocacy at Washington, D.C.-based criminal justice reform nonprofit The Sentencing Project. She says New Jersey has done a good job in this regard, in part by “banning the box” (i.e., disallowing a criminal history question on job applications), and opening Day Reporting centers that give reentrants parole opportunities that include treatment and training. These developments are important, Porter says, “because the consequences follow [the formerly incarcerated] for the rest of their lives.”
Some of the challenges they face are subtler. Rosen talks about the time one of his employees locked his keys in his car, didn’t have the money to pay a locksmith, and was too embarrassed to call him to ask for help. “He missed three days of work because he doesn’t have problem-solving skills,” Rosen says.
That’s another barrier: All the things employers don’t know about the travails of their formerly incarcerated workers. For example, says Porter, “They might have to meet with their parole officer in the middle of the day and can’t schedule work around it. It’s just another work/life balance for people actively on parole.”
Ironbound Farm’s cider vats.
It’s also why New Jersey’s labor department coaches employers about, “What does it really mean to work with someone with a criminal background?” says Bailey. The department also offers federal bond insurance for a “great work candidate” an employer has reservations about hiring. Such employers, he says, are often surprised to find that, “those just coming out [of prison] have low attrition rates, are loyal, attend on time, and view this as second chance.”
Robert Asaro-Angelo, New Jersey’s commissioner of labor, says the state’s current administration is focused on “giving folks entering society from incarceration proper training” in high-growth industries like hospitality. Reentrants find jobs in kitchens in Atlantic City’s casinos—not at the front of house, though, because they’re often barred from preparing or serving alcohol. Four New Jersey prisons also have career-training programs in horticulture, including Bayside, where Williams did landscaping while he was behind bars the second time. He says he likes to work outside, and “feel the dirt with my hands.”
He also clearly relishes the stability farm routine has allowed him: “Be here at 8:00, morning meeting at 8:15, talk about what we’re gonna do and how we’re gonna attack it for this day. You’re either weeding and planting, or clearing land and digging ditches, or maintaining apple trees. My job description varies all over place, but I can do it all.” At least one Ironbound reentrant also has a spouse who works at the farm, which provides an additional layer of security for his family.
Whatever metaphor Rosen once harbored about how nurturing trees could heal his distinctly challenged workers, he eventually tempered it. The first year, his crew planted 10,000 organic heritage apple trees, partly as a proof-of-concept for other, conventional orchardists. They failed to thrive due to disease and other issues and had to be ripped out.
Young apple trees at Ironbound Farm.
“It was devastatingly hard for the [guys],” Rosen says. Another 5,000 young trees they’ve put in over the last few years have borne some fruit that’s made it into the cider, but mostly they haven’t yet; as a result, Ironbound still buys most of its apples from eight family orchards in New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania. As a result, Rosen’s workers had no idea what full-grown apple trees were supposed to look like. When the farm managers took them to a mature orchard last year, “they were blown away,” Rosen said. “We didn’t know they needed that deep connection.”
So his five current reentered employees could experience the “literal fruits of their labor,” Rosen has switched them to raising 10 acres of cider-infusion ingredients like ginger, as well as row crops such as collards, beets, and radishes. The latter are cooked up for patrons of the cidery’s tasting room. And they’ll form the base for a line of prepared foods that Rosen’s starting in order to launch businesses for local immigrant women—yet another vulnerable population.
All of this seems an unlikely pursuit for a cider maker. But even as Rosen gets ready to expand from Jersey-only distribution and into New York in Spring 2020, he says he accepts that “I’ll never be able to employ as many people as I want” on his farm. What he can do is train people in his fields and kitchens and then say to other business owners, “‘Jane Smith spent time here and she is now ready to rock for you,’” Rosen says. “I have the opportunity to be part of a bigger system.”
Commissioner of Labor Asaro-Angelo agrees that Ironbound has a role to play beyond the handful of men and women it hires. “It’s hard to bring employers to the table when you can’t show [return on investment], frankly,” he says, although many worthy U.S. businesses have hired reentrants. With Ironbound “leading by example, we can show success and say, ‘What can we do to replicate this?’”
As for Williams, his diligence and listening skills helped him get promoted to crew chief in 2017, overseeing a fluctuating band of workers. He’s looking forward to the day he “graduates” from Ironbound and can get his own farm, maybe back in the city. He’s grateful to Rosen, “because that’s a person who gave a dedication to a bunch of people he didn’t know,” he says. “But the growth gotta keep going. I want to expand and bring farming back to everybody.”
Top photo by Kira Buxton. Other photos by Lela Nargi.
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]]>The post Climate Change Is Making the Future of Cranberry Growing Uncertain appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>One morning in mid-September, Jed Colquhoun, an expert in fruit and vegetable production systems, hopped on the phone to discuss the state of cranberries and climate change in the state of Wisconsin, our country’s most bountiful producer of that tart indigenous berry.
“Today’s a great example of what we’re dealing with,” he said from his office at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, where he teaches and conducts research. “A hundred miles northwest of me, towards cranberry country, some areas just got six inches of rain. That’s two Septembers’-worth of rain in a morning.”
Since whatever public consciousness exists of the cranberry industry likely starts and ends with a flooded marsh (a.k.a. bog, if you hail from Massachusetts, our second top cranberry-producing state), a day of downpours may seem a shrug-worthy affair. But as Colquhoun explains, everything from how farmers could (or couldn’t) complete scheduled work, to whether soil remained intact in the runoff, was impacted by this weather anomaly.
In fact, unseasonal deluges are just one of the many variable effects of climate change on cranberries that are “creating ups and downs and leading to an inability to predict the weather, which is very troublesome for the industry’s growers,” Colquhoun says.
This doesn’t mean there’s likely to be any shortage of cranberries for sauces and pies this Thanksgiving. In fact, the industry is digging out of a glut whose affects started to be felt in 2017, thanks partly to growers adding acreage to meet a past increase in demand. But, says Katherine Ghantous, research associate at the University of Massachusetts’s Cranberry Station in East Wareham, when it comes to the longterm health of the cranberry business, “We are worried.”
What Cranberries Need
Cranberries are an amazingly hardy fruit that thrive within an optimal cold-producing range that stretches latitudinally from Canada to New Jersey; in addition to Wisconsin, they’re also grown commercially in Oregon and Washington. Like grapes, they grow on woody vines. Like lowbush blueberries, they prefer acidic, sandy soil. Like both these fellow North American natives, they can stay productive for a long time under the right conditions.
“We actually don’t know how long they’ll live,” says Colquhoun. In both Wisconsin and in Massachusetts, 100-year-old cranberry vines are still bearing fruit and “don’t have an endpoint that we know of.”
Cranberries do have special needs, though. One is several acres of supporting wetland or forest for every acre of marsh, to store water for cranberry production and filter out impurities. Another is “chilling hours,” accrued during winter’s frigid dormancy period. Yet another is ice, a thick covering of which helps protect those still-growing vines from cold — in Wisconsin, temperatures of -40 degrees Fahrenheit are common. Ice also makes it possible for growers to drive buggies over their marshes every few years to spread sand, to rejuvenate the vines and control pests.
Unsurprisingly, erratic weather is a threat to the delicate balance between what a cranberry vine requires and what it receives from its surrounding ecosystem.
Water Irregularities: For starters, no amount of deluge, which only temporarily wets the soil, can temper the needs of a marsh for consistent water levels in its surrounding lands, which is something that used to be a lot more of a given. “Annual rainfall totals might be higher, but epic, less-frequent downfalls mean we have to change the ways we irrigate our crops,” says Ghantous. Since cranberry marshes are flooded for ease of harvest — the low-to-the-ground hollow berries float — “changes in available water change the way we harvest, too.”
Fluctuating Temperatures: There’s also the issue of how fluctuating temperatures affect numerous interrelated species. For example, earlier springs or later winters mean ecological mismatches—times when a cranberry plant may flower to find no bees available to pollinate it or, conversely, insects hatch too early to find forageable flowers.
Less cold and less consistent cold have their own ripple effects. “Lots of invasive species, like kudzu, are moving north so there’s a chance we could have an influx of new pests, weeds, fungi, bacteria,” Ghantous says. “Things that were previously nudged out of the region by cold can now sweep in.” In fact, Wisconsin cranberry growers have already been contending with increased insect and weed influxes, according to the Bergen Record.
Loss of Ice: In Massachusetts and New Jersey, where Ghantous says “loss of ice is significant for us already,” growers are sanding by retrofitting manure- or salt-spreaders to drive over dry marshes. Wisconsin still gets good ice but it doesn’t necessarily last the winter anymore; temperatures can veer rapidly from January thaw to polar vortex, exposing crops to inhospitable cold. “In summer, we see winter injury with plants browning and dying off in places,” says Colquhoun. The plants may survive but “there’s yield reduction and overall stress.”
With conditions now difficult if not impossible to predict, growers are scratching their heads about how to manage their marshes from year to year on multiple fronts. And experts like Ghantous and Colquhoun are at a loss for how to authoritatively advise them. “Not knowing what that variability is going to look like over the next 10 years makes it hard to pose a hypothesis that’s testable,” Colquhoun says. “And if we don’t know what we’re mitigating against, we’re being asked for an answer before we see the question.”
That doesn’t mean researchers aren’t trying to piece it all together with what resources they’ve got.
Ghantous says that although money for cranberry-specific studies is more limited than in some other sectors (cranberries are a $2 billion drop in the $1 trillion bucket of U.S. agriculture), the industry is able to draw parallels from ecologists, agronomists, and others looking at the impacts of climate change on similar woody crops with similar growing needs.
She’s been encouraging growers to develop better water management practices, support native bee species, and reduce pesticide use in controlling for insect invaders. “I would hope improving ecological functions would help stave off some of the effects of climate change, but there are so many unknowns,” she says. She’s also been looking south, to New Jersey, the state that contended with warming first and where cranberry specialists have been developing new, hopefully more resilient varietals.
Colquhoun believes that the best hope for the industry might lie in those varietals, even if lower yields are the tradeoff for increased hardiness. But he and his team have also been figuring out how to use machine-learning algorithms to stabilize an industry he says is “wholly based on predictability.” By analyzing what is known — the last time there was a warm February, yields from one year to the next, how pests and soil fertility were managed during past anomalies — they think they can get a handle on where trends might be heading. Colquhoun predicts it will be possible to one day determine optimum care for each marsh, possibly even each bed on a marsh.
A warming climate means agricultural zones are shifting northward, and some farmers of more mobile seed crops, like canola, are picking up and moving. Reports from a decade ago predicted that cranberry farmers might have to follow suit. But Ghantous points out that Canada’s got it’s own cranberry industry; US growers, with their high-needs marshes that are costly to replace, will be staying put and trying to adapt.
And as most cranberry farmers are generational growers “who are thinking about the farms they are going to leave to their kids,” says Ghantous, she hopes wide-ranging best practices will help them prepare for whatever’s in store. “And who knows? Maybe we’ll find that cranberries have more resistance built in than we know.”
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