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]]>Supporters of the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement gathered in Washington, D.C. yesterday to launch a new organization, the MAHA Institute, dedicated to changing and championing federal policies that could impact food ingredients, agricultural inputs, and overall health.
“There are thousands, tens, hundreds of thousands of people around the country who care deeply about this, who want their children to be healthier, who care about their families, who want to improve the system,” said Mark Gorton, president of the institute. “The MAHA Institute is serving the function of helping to coordinate and channel the energy of all of these people around the country and connect them with people in the government.”
Many of the people in the room were the same individuals and groups that supported Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s presidential campaign and then helped propel Donald Trump into office after Kennedy aligned himself with Trump.
Gorton and his partner Tony Lyons, now the MAHA Institute’s chairman, previously co-founded a Super PAC dedicated to supporting Kennedy. Lyons is the founder of Skyhorse Publishing and a close ally of right-wing media personality Steve Bannon. Other speakers included Mary Holland, CEO of Children’s Health Defense, the advocacy organization founded by Kennedy; Zen Honeycutt, founder of Moms Across America; and Montana rancher Bryan Mussard. Attendees included regenerative farmers, student activists, and school lunch reformers.
In addition to concerns about vaccine schedules and ingredients, speakers pointed to a wide range of food-related issues they believe are contributing to America’s chronic disease epidemic: genetically modified foods, pesticide exposures, seed oils, sugar, and other ingredients in processed foods. “It’s not about vaccines or drugs or foods, it’s about the toxins that are in them,” Lyons said. Several also described a situation in which the federal government has hidden information on those toxins at the behest of agriculture, pesticide, and food companies—an assertion that mixes the very real influence those companies have in D.C. with overarching conspiracy theory thinking— and said they trusted the Trump administration to turn that ship around.
In an interview with Civil Eats, Gorton said the MAHA Institute will work to connect people working on the same issues and do more traditional lobbying on legislation. And he said they’ll support the work of agencies like the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), which Kennedy now runs, in achieving MAHA goals. “The number of actual, true MAHA supporters at the top of these agencies is maybe 75 people across an HHS that has 60,000 employees, and their job is unbelievably daunting, because these bureaucracies are highly resistant to change,” he said.
When asked about whether some Trump administration actions, such as the EPA rolling back limits on ‘forever chemicals’ in drinking water and the USDA canceling a program that helped local farms get fresh produce into school meals, run counter to the movement’s goals, he dismissed any contradiction and said he was “extremely happy” with the administration so far. “I think there really is a commitment to the larger mission, and changing the government takes time,” he said.
Honeycutt, on the other hand, said she’d been disappointed in some Republican senators’ pushback against pesticide reforms after the MAHA movement supported their campaigns and that restoring regulations on forever chemicals in drinking water is incredibly important to her. “We’re shocked and dismayed that these Republican elected officials and some officials within the EPA are going against Trump’s call to make America healthy again, and we hope that they will see that this is a massive step backwards and that they will listen to the people who are calling for better policies on these toxic chemicals that are clearly harming Americans and making us sick.”
A group of 79 Republicans recently sent a letter urging Kennedy and other agency heads not to recommend restrictions on pesticide use in the MAHA Commission report, expected to be released on May 22.
Calley Means, a MAHA movement fixture who is now a special advisor to Kennedy within HHS, alluded to that tension in his remarks. “As the wins start stacking up—and they will be stacking up at an increasing pace—I can tell you that there’s a thing, an energy around this town, around the country, to divide the MAGA and MAHA movements, but it’s not going to happen,” he said. “This is a powerful revolutionary coalition of people that are going to change American politics.”
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]]>The post California Decides What ‘Regenerative Agriculture’ Means. Sort of. appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>California urgently needs to improve its soil. Better soil produces healthier food, but it also holds more water—a boon for a wildfire state with depleted groundwater. Better soil also holds more carbon, making it an effective tool to combat the climate crisis. One way to improve soil is through regenerative agriculture, an array of sustainable farming practices that, as of January, are gathered under an official definition in the state of California.
The question is, will the new definition do any good?
Broadly speaking, regenerative agriculture improves soil health and carbon sequestration through diverse crop rotations, animal grazing, limited tillage, and reduced (or eliminated) external inputs like fertilizer and pesticides. But it also has wider benefits, including farmer wellbeing, community engagement, and ethical animal husbandry. The problem is that it’s notoriously hard to define. No federal or scientific definition exists, leaving the term open to interpretation—and greenwashing.
The definition’s supporters say it provides an entry point toward better practices for thousands of farmers.
Two years ago, in an effort to guide California’s farming policy and programs, the state launched a public process to define regenerative agriculture.
The process included seven public listening sessions—two of them for California Native American tribes—and three work group meetings. Hundreds of people from across the U.S. food system joined the sessions, adding impassioned comments that ranged from “Regenerative MUST be coupled with organic to have any value whatsoever” (Annie Brown, Rodale Institute) to “We’re trying to make a difference in agriculture and we need to be open minded: Instead of asking everyone to switch religions immediately, at least get them into regenerative ag, and we’ll get ‘em into organic after a while” (a farmer at California’s Alexandre Family Farm). For some, farmworker health was essential to the definition; for others, it was irrelevant.
On Jan. 7, the state’s advisory board for food and agriculture unanimously approved the work group’s definition and forwarded it to Karen Ross, secretary of the California Department of Food and Agriculture (CDFA), who is expected to accept it. Critics say the new definition will do little to promote significant regenerative practices and will potentially confuse the public, but the definition’s supporters say it provides an entry point toward better practices for thousands of farmers.
The approved document runs to a single page and begins with the following:
“‘Regenerative agriculture,’ as defined for use by State of California policies and programs, is an integrated approach to farming and ranching rooted in principles of soil health, biodiversity and ecosystem resiliency leading to improved targeted outcomes. Regenerative agriculture is not an endpoint, but a continuous implementation of practices that over time minimize inputs and environmental impacts[,] and further enhances the ecosystem while maintaining or improving productivity, economic contributions and community benefits. ‘Regenerative agriculture’ is an ongoing continuum of sustainability for California’s farmers and ranchers, informed by current science as well as the traditions and innovations from the original Indigenous stewards of the land.”
Don Cameron, president of the state’s advisory board, lauded the definition’s flexibility and discretion while making clear that this effort was not about establishing certification or a framework for companies to make label claims.
Critics say the new definition will do little to promote significant regenerative practices and will potentially confuse the public.
“That bridge will be crossed if [companies] move forward with a certification process,” he said. “I look at this for different state agencies to have guidelines so they can put programs out there that are regenerative in nature.”
In accepting the board’s definition, the CDFA will not be pursuing a regulatory or statutory action. They will, in essence, be agreeing to follow a guideline that includes eight targeted outcomes. At this time, there is no funding allocated for outcome assessment, verification, or third-party audits.
Agriculture plays a significant role in climate change, producing 10 percent of U.S. and 8 percent of California’s greenhouse gas emissions, mostly from croplands, industrial vehicles, and livestock.
In 2022, California’s Climate Innovation Program provided $525 million in financial incentives to California-based companies, including agriculture businesses, to develop and commercialize technologies to help California meet its climate goals. Regenerative agriculture efforts were specifically mentioned.
This prompted CDFA Secretary Karen Ross to turn to the State Board of Food and Agriculture, an advisory board consisting of members from across the sector. The board appointed a work group to establish a definition that would help guide farmers who want to increase sustainability practices, as well as state agencies and programs looking to focus their funding.
Since the passage of the 2022 bill, Governor Gavin Newsom has removed its funding to help address the projected state budget shortfall, so it is unknown at this time what programs farms would be eligible for if they adopt qualifying regenerative practices.
“I really do think it was a pretty remarkable effort by the most remarkable state in our economy in the agriculture space,” said Elizabeth Whitlow, who until recently was the executive director of the Regenerative Organic Alliance and she was part of the work group that hammered out the guidelines. “Secretary Ross said we need to define this so we can have money to reward the practices. I listened and said, ‘You are stepping into muddy waters here. You should back away from this definition and call it ‘agroecological’ or ‘holistic.’”
In a state with more than 1,500 soil types and 400 crops, the work group’s central tension from the outset was—as Tom Chapman, co-chief executive of the Organic Trade Association, described it—“whether to go narrow and meaningful, or wide but not that deep.”
The group, directed by Secretary Ross to provide a “big tent” in which all stakeholders could operate, went with the latter. The definition’s harder edges were softened as large farms and conventional agriculture industry groups weighed in. For instance, from an early draft that sought the “elimination” of reliance on pesticides—a key tenet of organic farming—language changed in the final draft to a “reduction” of reliance.
Many in the industry, especially in the conventional sector, feel this broader definition, anchored by its first target outcome of “building soil health, soil organic matter and biodiversity,” is a good place to start.
“In agriculture, nothing is one size fits all, so the adoption of systems has to be realistic for each particular kind of crop,” said Renee Pinel, president of Western Plant Health, a nonprofit trade organization that represents the interests of fertilizer and pesticide manufacturers. She says she sees this definition as a starting point, as “someplace from which to constructively move forward.”
For conventional farmers in California who contend with year-round pests and diseases in the state’s mild climate, she said, “We have to be realistic about how quickly we can move to softer biological products. We can’t mandate the removal of products until we have replacements, or farmers can’t defend themselves and you’ll have massive crop failures.”
A broader definition allows for innovations in technology or advances in inputs or soil amendments to be incorporated, Pinel and others have argued.
But a lack of specificity in the definition is problematic for many farming experts.
“I could survey 100 farmers and show them this definition and they would each have a different interpretation of what this means,” said Rebekah Weber, policy director for California Certified Organic Farmers. “And the verification and accountability pieces just aren’t there.”
In fact, at the Jan. 7 meeting to finalize a definition, State Board of Food and Agriculture member Michelle Passero, director of The Nature Conservancy’s climate change plan for California, spoke up, saying she was hoping for a definition that was “a little more outcomes-oriented.”
“If I was trying to use it in a legal sense, how would it be helpful? How do you apply it? Does it mean if you do one [of the eight targeted outcomes,] then it’s fine or sufficient?” she asked.
The definition ends with a guidance for state agencies and departments to coordinate with the CDFA, and, “contingent upon resources,” to develop measurable, verifiable outcomes. Agencies and programs are also responsible for keeping track of verification and reporting.
The fact that organic has been minimized in the definition also bothers many. These farmers view regenerative agriculture as steeped in organic, biodiverse practices that rely on plants and other organisms to produce soil fertility and control pests, instead of on industrial fertilizers and pesticides. For them, the definition does not go far enough.
Bryce Lundberg is vice president of agriculture at Lundberg Family Farms, a fourth-generation organic rice and quinoa company. He is a member of the state advisory board as well as the work group that oversaw the regenerative definition. In the group’s final meeting, he said that he appreciated the definition’s approach to the health of humans and the environment, but underscored that the organic component was vital.
“To have organic as a baseline to regenerative agriculture, that would be my hope,” he said in the meeting. “That ‘regenerative’ would be beyond organic as a standard, that would be my preference.” In a subsequent interview, Lundberg said, “I’m proud of the organic community in California that advocated that ‘organic’ be the baseline for this definition. Two-thirds of the comments have been from the organic community [saying] that we need a higher bar.” Farming according to a watered-down regenerative definition, he suggested, is like getting a “participation trophy.”
California has more than 3,000 organic farms and ranches but more than 70,000 farms and ranches total, meaning only 4.2 percent of California’s farms are certified organic.
Using the word “organic” would immediately exclude thousands of farmers and ranchers who may want to adopt regenerative practices but have not yet. And in the wake of the hottest year on record and a new administration that has expressed tepid enthusiasm for climate-change mitigation efforts, more producers need to adopt at least some regenerative practices, said Andrew deCoriolis, executive director of Farm Forward, a nonprofit focused on reducing animal suffering.
USDA really needs to be the one setting the definition—they label food products nationally.
“Even if this ends up being marginally better practices across all of California, that would be a net good,” he said.
Weber says this new definition could be cataclysmic for certified organic farmers in the state.
“Organic farmers have to meet strict requirements. And now they will be in the same marketplace as a ‘regenerative’ farmer who is being subsidized by the state of California, but there isn’t verification behind that word? That’s an unfair market advantage,” she said.
Whitlow echoed that sentiment, saying the definition might lead consumers to choose “regenerative” over “organic.” “If all you have to do is spray one fewer time or use a little less fertilizer, and you can use the term ‘regenerative,’ consumers may say, ‘I’m going to buy this regenerative product, that sounds pretty good.’ We are concerned that it could have unintended consequences for organics.”
Secretary Ross has underscored that the definition will help determine where state resources go, and that it is not consumer-facing or about retail labeling claims or certifications.
Many farming advocates think that’s naïve.
“I’d pose the question back to the CDFA: How do you plan on assuring this doesn’t influence the marketplace or embolden folks who put a regenerative claim on their product?” Weber asked. “There hasn’t been enough discussion around that.”
In the past few years, label claims have proliferated, with climate-related terms such as “net-zero” or “climate-smart” beef drawing little scrutiny, and package claims like “pure” and “all-natural” energizing consumer class-action lawsuits. The new, loose definition might unleash more greenwashing, and consumer confusion.
Also, there are several regenerative-associated marketing certifications already in existence, including what’s considered to be the highest bar for farming: Regenerative Organic Certified, which builds on the USDA Organic certification.
“USDA really needs to be the one setting the definition—they label food products nationally,” said Anne Schechinger, Midwest director for the nonprofit Environmental Working Group.
She added, “We support California’s attempt, but they obviously need to include specific practices, a way to measure the benefits of these practices, a way to show that there are water or climate benefits.”If California’s definition of regenerative does, in fact, encourage widespread healthier soils in the state, it will be interesting to see whether it gains traction with supporters of regenerative ag at the federal level—including Robert F. Kennedy Jr., President Trump’s pick to lead the Department of Health and Human Services. His Make America Healthy Again platform includes regenerative agriculture as a central pillar.
+ + +
An earlier version of the article misspelled the name of Annie Brown at Rodale Institute.
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]]>The post Report Casts Doubt on Safety of New Roundup Products appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Last week, an aisle display in the Garden Center at a Maryland Lowe’s featured three tiers of the most widely used weedkiller ever created: Roundup. From afar, the white bottles with bright red caps looked identical.
Upon closer inspection, however, despite having the same name, there were two distinct products intermingled on the shelves. One contained glyphosate, the chemical that’s become synonymous with the brand name—like tissue is to Kleenex. The other contained three completely different herbicides most people have never heard of.
The display was one manifestation of a promise that agrichemical giant Bayer made in 2021 to stop selling glyphosate for use on lawns and gardens starting in 2023.
Roundup is ubiquitous across agriculture. But Bayer decided to pull the chemical from home retailers because the costly lawsuits claiming the product has caused cancers came primarily from people fighting weeds in lawns, garden beds, and sidewalk cracks. Many outlets reported then that the company would stop selling Roundup for residential use.
Now that glyphosate is being phased out, however, Roundup remains—as an updated line of multiple weedkillers for home gardeners.
And today, environmental nonprofit Friends of the Earth (FOE) released a report calling into question the company’s new ingredients, claiming the reformulated products are even more toxic than the old. “It’s outrageous that in a moment when it’s so clear that Roundup has taken such a toll on people’s health, Bayer has made Roundup more toxic,” said Kendra Klein, deputy director of science at FOE and the lead author of the report.
In response to a question about the findings on toxicity, a Bayer spokesperson noted that the ingredients replacing glyphosate have “been used successfully by homeowners and others in a variety of different weed-control products for decades. All Roundup weed-control products in the U.S., including our new Roundup Lawn and Garden products, have been thoroughly reviewed and approved by independent experts at the EPA to ensure the products can be used safely with the label instructions.” Bayer also released an statement today that callled the report “deeply flawed” and pointed to the authors’ methodology as “inconsistent with how leading regulatory and health experts measure risk.”
All four of the new chemical ingredients have been associated with kidney or liver damage in animal studies.
In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) classified glyphosate as “probably carcinogenic to humans,” and juries have now decided against Bayer multiple times based on the strength of the scientific evidence linking glyphosate to non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has not come to the same conclusions.
The new formulations use different combinations of four herbicides—diquat, triclopyr, fluazifop, and imazapic. None of the chemicals are classified as carcinogens by IARC or the EPA, meaning they are not associated with a known cancer risk.
FOE’s analysis looked at scores the EPA gives chemicals on their overall human toxicity for both acute exposure (which refers to immediate risks, like burns) and chronic exposure (harm that may occur from repeated exposures over time). FOE scored all four as more acutely and chronically toxic compared to glyphosate. Diquat and triclopyr, in particular, had much higher toxicity scores. (The World Health Organization characterizes diquat and triclopyr as “moderately hazardous,” while glyphosate is ranked as “slightly hazardous.”)
Bill Jordan, a consultant and volunteer with the Environmental Protection Network who worked at the EPA for 40 years and was the former deputy director of the agency’s pesticide office, said the human health risks any pesticide poses depend on both the toxicity of the ingredients and the amount of exposure a person experiences when they use it. Since the toxicity scores alone don’t take into account the second half of that equation, it’s hard to know, then, what the real risks might be.
Jordan added, “the registration of the new Roundup formulations clearly suggests that the agency thinks the product, with its new composition and labeling, does not pose unreasonable risks.”
While Klein admits the toxicity scores come with plenty of limitations (which are outlined in the report), given the fact that the EPA still maintains Roundup is safe, she and others doubt the agency’s processes provide effective protection from risks.
“Ideally, we would have as rich a set of data on all the active ingredients we’re looking at—and product formulations—as we have on glyphosate, and would have a way to compare the toxicity of chronic exposure by all routes (e.g., oral, dermal, inhalation). But this simply is not the case,” she said. “A thorough assessment of the different health risks stemming from exposures to glyphosate versus diquat or triclopyr, or any of the glyphosate alternatives, would be an enormous undertaking constrained by the lack of publicly accessible data.”
“There’s likely to be confusion, since it has the same product name and people are likely to use it in the same manner as they have for years.”
All four of the new chemical ingredients have been associated with kidney or liver damage in animal studies, for example. Diquat, fluazifop, and triclopyr are all associated with reproductive effects in animals. But much more research would be needed to isolate their individual impacts on humans over time. The report also includes data showing the four chemicals are associated with negative impacts on birds, bees, aquatic organisms, and earthworms.
But the EPA also still allows pesticides known to be more hazardous to human health and ecosystems to be sold for home use: On the shelf next to the Roundup was a product that included 2,4-D—which the IARC also classifies as possibly carcinogenic and is linked to endocrine disruption—plus other products that contained the same chemicals that are in the new Roundup.
One key to the risks that pesticides pose is how the products are used, and that’s another area Klein and others are worried about. Given the new chemical composition, the new Roundup products come with different label instructions intended to protect the people spraying them.
But Jonathan Oppenheimer, the government relations director for the Idaho Conservation League, said many people don’t read the fine print and may not even realize the product has changed and that multiple variations now exist. “There’s likely to be confusion, since it has the same product name and people are likely to use it in the same manner as they have for years,” he said.
For example, one Roundup product on the shelf at Home Depot last week contained all four of the chemicals FOE analyzed. On the back of the jug, it included illustrations explaining “where to use” it, but no information on restrictions. A buyer would have to break the seal on the label booklet and open to the bottom of the second page to get to the safety instructions that say, “Do not use for vegetable garden preparation or in and around fruits and vegetables.”
This poses real risks: Last year, groundskeepers in Ventura County, California killed 200 trees and damaged hundreds more after a push to move away from using glyphosate led them to select imazapyr as a replacement weedkiller. A subsequent investigation found the herbicide’s label was not clear enough about the product’s use restrictions; the groundskeepers were used to using glyphosate, which didn’t harm the trees.
Another Roundup product on the shelf labeled “for lawns” included four other herbicides that weren’t even included in FOE’s analysis (including the controversial, drift-prone dicamba), suggesting there are further variations for consumers to sort through.
Bayer’s spokesperson said all Roundup products for the consumer market are clearly labeled. “We follow the direction of the EPA, which reviews and approves these products. All new formulas are marked with a prominent, ‘Exclusive Formula’ banner and the list of active ingredients on the front label of the product,” he said. (While the glyphosate-based versions are still presently in the mix, Bayer confirmed to Civil Eats that the company is no longer manufacturing them and they expect them to be sold out by the end of the year.)
In the end, Jordan said he doubted consumers will discontinue using all weedkillers. “So, if FOE is correct that there are more toxic active ingredients in the herbicides that replace glyphosate, it would seem possible that moving away from glyphosate could increase the dangers for people and the environment.”
Read More:
Inside Bayer’s State-by-State Efforts to Stop Pesticide Lawsuits
Community-Led Efforts to Ban Glyphosate in Public Spaces Pick Up Speed
Inside Monsanto’s Day in Court: Scientists Weigh in on Glyphosate’s Cancer Risks
Farm Policies, Finally. So far, the election coverage of the presidential candidates’ positions on agriculture has primarily focused on the Trump and Biden-Harris administration’s past actions, since neither candidate had a plan for farmers in writing. That changed last Tuesday, when the Harris-Walz campaign released a detailed policy document on their plans for rural America. The document includes seven bullet points on how Harris intends “to invest in the future of America’s agricultural industry,” including increasing access to farmland and credit for beginning farmers and ranchers, increasing antitrust enforcement and boosting competition, supporting right-to-repair policies, and growing opportunities for small- and mid-size farms. The Harris campaign also hosted an event focused on food and health as a counterpoint to the “Make America Healthy Again” movement backing Trump for president. Trump’s policy platform does not include provisions related to food or agriculture, and he has tried to distance himself from Project 2025’s agenda, which includes cuts to popular farm programs.
Read More:
For Contract Farmers, the Election Could Change Everything—or Nothing at All
Where Do the Presidential Candidates Stand on Climate Change?
School-Supported Agriculture. Famed chef, author, and advocate (and Civil Eats’ advisor) Alice Waters hosted a weekend of events in Washington, D.C. to promote a policy shift that would allow all public schools to serve “local, organic, regenerative” school meals through direct connections to farmers. Waters started The Edible Schoolyard Project nearly 30 years ago to bring gardens and cooking instruction into schools, and she’s releasing a cookbook filled with recipes that fit into school lunch nutrition (and schools’ financial restrictions) next year.
At a Saturday luncheon at the Smithsonian, influential individuals from across food, climate, and health—including author Michael Pollan, U.S. Surgeon General Vice Admiral Vivek H. Murphy, and former Vice President Al Gore—praised her vision. Gore emphasized the availability of climate solutions and how school meals represent one avenue toward leveraging those that have myriad positive impacts.
“We can make our soil healthier, our farms more resilient. Our children can have more nutritious meals. The local farmers in every area can be more economically stable and viable. We can have a healthier economy, a healthier population, and we can sequester much more carbon,” Gore said. “Connecting farms and schools is as good a first step as any.”
However, the brass tacks of moving “school-supported agriculture” forward, given the many challenges, were unclear, and any significant change in K–12 school procurement would have to come from Congress. Still, Biden’s USDA has made some small tweaks to meal policy that align with Waters’ goals. Last year, the agency changed a rule to allow more schools to serve free meals to all students. This year, USDA made it easier for schools to source local food and invested $500 million in farm-to-school grants.
Tomorrow, the White House is hosting a briefing that includes a review of the administration’s actions on healthy school meals and how they connect to farmers and rural economies. However, local (and especially organic) food is still a tiny portion of what ends up on students’ trays.
Read More:
New School Meal Standards Could Put More Local Food on Students’ Lunch Trays
California Leads the Way in Low-Carbon School Meals
Farm to School Programs Are Finally Making Inroads on Capitol Hill
Aquaculture Impacts. In a new literature review published in the journal Science Advances, researchers concluded that more attention should be paid to what they call the “dewilding” impacts of aquaculture. Those include environmental impacts like farm infrastructure and pollution that alter ocean ecosystems. They also refer to downstream effects like the spread of pathogens and parasites that negatively impact ocean wildlife. “Similar to the utility and clarity of the term ‘deforestation’ to describe the clearing of forested lands for human purposes, dewilding identifies the repurposing of previously wild or semiwild spaces for human use,” the authors wrote. Dewilding, they argue, should be considered and accounted for in future plans for ocean farm expansion and intensification.
While large fish farms have historically have been located close to coastlines, the need to eliminate some of the environmental and health impacts of the systems has led to a push to take them further offshore, where many advocates say those impacts can be eliminated or minimized. But plans to rapidly scale up open ocean aquaculture are controversial. A court recently sided with environmental groups who sued over permitting for these larger open-ocean systems, claiming the farms failed to adequately account for potential harms to wild ocean ecosystems, local fisheries, and Indigenous communities.
Read More:
The Continued Fight Over Farming the Oceans
NOAA Is Rolling Out a Plan to Radically Expand Offshore Aquaculture. Not Everyone is Onboard.
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]]>The post What Happened to Antibiotic-Free Chicken? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Seven years ago, Tyson—one of the largest chicken producers in the world—made headlines with its commitment to “eliminate antibiotics in chicken.” Then, last summer, the company changed its policy: Instead of “no antibiotics ever” (referred to as NAE in the industry), Tyson’s farmers would go back to using antibiotics. They would refrain only from using drugs considered “important in human medicine.”
Given the company produces about a quarter of the chicken in the country, ripple effects ensued. At the Los Angeles United School District, school nutrition directors were left scrambling to find another supplier in order to honor a long-standing public commitment to get antibiotics out of student meals. Then, in March, Chick-Fil-A—which has used Tyson as a supplier in the past—also backpedaled on a 2014 commitment to serving antibiotic-free chicken, citing supply concerns.
Now, despite all the prior momentum, none of the four largest chicken producers are exclusively practicing “no antibiotics ever” production.
As the impacts came into focus, advocates and experts who had been pointing to the chicken industry as a model for how food corporations could make real progress toward improving practices that threaten public health looked on in dismay.
“When we first started working on this in 2015 and we were targeting McDonald’s, Chick-Fil-A was one of the players that we could point to as already doing the right thing,” said Andre Delattre, SVP and COO of programs at Public Interest Research Group (PIRG). “From that perspective, it’s especially a shame that they’re backsliding.”
Between 2014 and 2018, the percentage of chickens raised without antibiotics rose from 3 percent to 52 percent, and the amount raised without medically important antibiotics soared to more than 90 percent. The Natural Resources Defense Council called it “a stunning success story,” and allied organizations like PIRG shifted their focus to reducing antibiotic use in pork and beef, where medically important drugs are still used routinely in feed and water, at much larger volumes.
While Tyson and most of its biggest competitors still commit to avoiding drugs that are critical to treating deadly diseases in humans, its backpedaling on NAE is significant for several reasons. In chicken, the four biggest companies—Tyson, Pilgrim’s Pride (owned by JBS), Wayne-Sanderson Farms, and Mountaire—control more than half of the market.
Now, despite all the prior momentum, none of them are exclusively practicing “no antibiotics ever” production. And some emerging research suggests that a class of drugs these companies are regularly using may contribute to the development of resistant strains of bacteria that do threaten human health.
The story of the end of the industry’s steady march toward getting antibiotics out of chicken feed is complicated, involving other unmet commitments, including shifting to raising slower-growing breeds that require fewer medications.
And it illustrates the limitations of corporate commitments to more responsible practices, in this and any industry: When the rubber meets the road in achieving capitalism’s goal of maximizing profits, shareholders may prioritize cost savings, especially after consumer attention on any given issue has waned over time.
Tyson did not respond to repeated email and telephone requests for interviews.
Americans have an insatiable appetite for nuggets, tenders, and boneless, skinless breasts: In 2023, individuals ate an average of 101 pounds of chicken, up from 82 pounds in 2013. To consistently produce that much chicken for billions of people, companies created a system that relies on regular antibiotics in feed and/or water.
Birds bred to grow fast and fat in crowded barns where waste accumulates get sick easily. Antibiotics are an easy fix, since preventing disease is more effective than treating it, and regular doses of the same drugs speed up growth. However, the overuse of antibiotics in animal agriculture is one activity that has driven the development of dangerous antibiotic-resistant bacteria. In the U.S., 2.8 million people now contract hard-to-treat infections each year, and 35,000 die from those infections.
So, over the past decade, at the behest of consumer and public health advocacy groups, many chicken companies switched to NAE production.
At the heart of the issue throughout the industry is an overwhelmingly common poultry disease called coccidiosis, caused by a parasite that is almost universally present in chicken waste.
However, they did it while continuing to increase their production to a staggering high of more than 46 billion pounds in 2023. We’ll give you more chicken at lower prices, they said, while also promising better animal welfare, a lower carbon footprint, and less antibiotic use.
But each year, the percentage of chickens that got sick and died long before making it to a dinner plate ticked up. Now, about 11 million chicks die on farms per week, wasting all the resources that went into breeding, hatching, transporting, and feeding them along the way. A 2023 report from the U.S. Poultry & Egg Association found a direct link between the move away from antibiotics and rising mortality rates.
Multiple sources interviewed for this story said that many companies didn’t invest in changing the conditions in hatcheries and barns that made routine antibiotic use necessary in the first place.
“You shouldn’t ever just go in and pull antibiotics,” says Bruce Stewart-Brown, a senior vice president at Perdue Foods, which is the fifth-largest chicken producer in the country. “That’s not good for anything or anybody.”
Perdue, he said, started to transition away from antibiotics 20 years ago. And while it moved all of its chicken to NAE in 2014, he said his team is still continuously improving the techniques that make it possible.
At the heart of the issue throughout the industry is an overwhelmingly common poultry disease called coccidiosis, caused by a parasite that is almost universally present in chicken waste. When tens of thousands of chickens are crowded into a barn, waste accumulates, and the birds can’t escape it. The more they ingest through contaminated feed, dust, and litter, the more likely they are to get sick.
When infected, coccidiosis affects the birds’ gastrointestinal tracts, causing weight loss, diarrhea, and sometimes death. The intestinal damage it causes also creates conditions in which another common disease, necrotic enteritis, can thrive. Necrotic enteritis has similar effects but is much more deadly.
Stewart-Brown said Perdue starts with cleaner barns for its breeder flocks, which means eggs in the hatchery are less likely to carry the parasite from the get-go. Controlling for the disease on farms that produce meat chickens then involves a mix of vaccination, taking animal byproducts out of feed and adding prebiotics and probiotics (to improve digestive health), managing moisture in the litter that lines the bottom of barns, and using a class of drugs called anticoccidials (which are not classified as antibiotics) when all else fails. They also send chickens to slaughter earlier, which means the birds are smaller but have less time to get sick.
On the other hand, putting antibiotics in feed can wipe out the need for all of those changes in one fell swoop, holding disease at bay and allowing the birds grow more efficiently. The class of antibiotics commonly used are called ionophores, and the drugs’ effectiveness using is what motivated Tyson’s decision to resume antibiotic use, company executives explained during an August 2023 investor call. In addition to plant closures, CFO John Tyson said the change in antibiotic policy was one of several “meaningful steps to get the cost structure back in balance” in the company’s chicken business. President and CEO Donnie King added that “data suggests the use of ionophores can lead to more uniform birds with consistent weight.”
Ionophores are not used in humans, which is why they’re classified as “non-medically important.” Experts generally agree their use is of less concern than medically important antibiotics like tetracyclines that are widely used in beef and pork; some say ionophores pose little to no risk of contributing to resistance that drives untreatable infections in humans.
“It’s just an attempt to compensate for poor animal husbandry, and those bad practices are not a good justification for taking chances with a cornerstone of modern medicine.”
However, other experts are concerned about emerging research conducted in Europe. Michael Hansen, a senior scientist at Consumer Reports, explained that the studies suggest ionophore resistance genes may be essentially carrying resistance to other antibiotics along with them as they proliferate, driving the spread of bacteria that are resistant to drugs humans do need.
“It’s through this mechanism of co-selection—of being physically linked on the same pieces of genetic material,” Hansen said. “What’s happened over the past 15 or 20 years is that as we’ve used more and more chemicals, not only antibiotics . . . resistance elements to different things are increasingly being clustered.”
This matters because ionophores are also used routinely in beef and pork production. In fact, across agriculture, more ionophores are given to animals than any other antibiotic.
At this point, the science is new and the risks are still unclear, but “our position is that we shouldn’t take chances, to the extent that we’re talking about the routine use of antibiotics,” PIRG’s Delattre said. “It’s just an attempt to compensate for poor animal husbandry, and those bad practices are not a good justification for taking chances with a cornerstone of modern medicine.”
After Tyson reversed course, the Perdue marketing team jumped on the opportunity to highlight the fact that they weren’t backtracking on antibiotics. They launched an entire “Know Better” campaign around the NAE label, complete with a website that casts doubt on the safety of ionophores, a cheeky commercial about “throwing antibiotics” at your problems, and a stunt snack product. (Shake Shack used similar tactics to throw shade at Chick-Fil-A, with a full-page ad in The New York Times offering free chicken sandwiches with this riff on its competitor’s slogan: “Eat More Antibiotic-Free Chicken.”)
But at the same time, Perdue has no concrete plans to meet another related promise it made: To switch to a breed of chicken that grows at a slower pace, is more active, and has a stronger immune system. And some advocates say this is the change that would make NAE truly sustainable while improving animal welfare.
For many years, animal welfare groups have been pushing chicken companies to use slower-growing breeds. The commercial chickens common across the industry are bred to grow fast and fat, with all of their energy sent to breast meat, and as a result they often suffer from immobility and other issues. They also get sick more due to underdeveloped immune systems, which makes antibiotics like ionophores a crucial production tool.
“The idea that people are making headway with slower-growing breeds and reducing antibiotics is just rubbish. Growth rate is generally getting worse, not better.”
In 2019, a coalition of animal welfare groups created the Better Chicken Commitment (BCC) to push big grocers, restaurants, and especially chicken companies to commit to improving the lives of the birds in their supply chains.
Five years later, Compassion in World Farming’s 2023 ChickenTrack report on the BCC’s progress shows 52 companies have made a plan or changes of some kind. Many report improvements on metrics like welfare-improving lighting and “enrichments,” a term for things like perches and straw bales added to barns that allow birds to express their natural behaviors.
Julia Johnson, the leader of CIWF’s Compassion in Food Business in the U.S., pointed to the pandemic as interfering with progress companies might have made faster. This year, she said, she’ll be focused on getting companies to improve their BCC changes to litter, enrichments, and breeds. “We still have a long way to go, but I’m optimistic about the progress that we’ve seen.”
But only a few tiny producers have switched to breeds associated with healthier, happier chickens. Tyson has never committed to any aspect of the BCC, nor have the other big three companies that produce the majority of the country’s chickens.
“When I look at the report . . . there are two companies that have actually made progress towards breed. That’s very dispiriting to me,” said Andrew deCoriolis, executive director of Farm Forward. DeCoriolis said he appreciates that there’s a least a conversation happening on breed, and the other changes the BCC is pushing are certainly not bad for the animals. “But what I would like us to see is a laser focus on companies making progress on breed. The rest of it is, from my perspective, window dressing.”
One of the BCC’s biggest partners is the Global Animal Partnership (GAP), a third-party animal welfare label associated with Whole Foods. GAP commissioned a study of alternative breeds in 2020 and in 2021, and issued a list of approved breeds it found improved chickens’ lives and health outcomes. At the time, GAP said it would require farms certified at all five of its levels to switch to one of the approved breeds by 2024. That has not happened to date. Attempts to reach out to GAP revealed the executive director who was leading the project is now employed only by Whole Foods, not GAP.
Meanwhile, the ChickenTrack report singled out Whole Foods’ lack of reporting on breed progress, despite the company publicizing a roadmap to meet the BCC standards. “If it is not introduced, Whole Foods Market will be recognized as a weakened policy in 2025,” it read.
In 2017, chicken producer Bell & Evans announced it was transitioning all of its chicken to a slower-growing, BCC-approved breed by 2018. Sources told Civil Eats the company has since gone back to a typical commercial breed, but the company did not respond to requests for comment. Meanwhile, two companies that set out to challenge big industrial chicken companies by starting with better breeds and eschewing preventative antibiotics from the get-go—Emmer & Co and Cooks Venture—have both gone out of business within the past few years.
“The idea that people are making headway with slower-growing breeds and reducing antibiotics is just rubbish. Growth rate is generally getting worse, not better,” Matt Wadiak, the founder of Cooks Venture, told Civil Eats. “People are just going with the bigger birds, and those bigger birds absolutely require pharmaceutical inputs.”
Given his departure from Cooks Venture in 2023 and the company’s subsequent, dramatic downfall, Wadiak is unsurprisingly bitter when it comes to the chicken industry. He’s also right on this point.
In 2013, the average commercial chicken weighed 5.92 pounds at the time of slaughter. Last year, it weighed 6.54, after the same number of days. And when you look more closely at mortality numbers, the largest increases in deaths are happening among the heavier birds.
Cooks Venture’s breed, the Pioneer, was the first in a long time to represent a departure from that trajectory, and one that both farmers and animal welfare advocates were excited about. Wadiak said the company failed due to its an inability to secure capital in a wildly capital-intensive industry. He insists, though, that demand was strong and the price premium for his chickens was not that high.
“If Cooks could do that with a slower-growing breed, I don’t understand what is keeping Perdue from doing the same,” deCoriolis said.
“The fact that they’re still sticking with a no antibiotics policy . . . shows clearly that it can be done.”
CIWF’s Johnson insists consumers have not lost interest in better welfare for chickens. She points to sessions at chicken trade marketing events that suggest the companies believe the that they have to at least create the appearance of making progress based on Gen Z’s demands. “They’re talking about the next consumer for 2035, and animal welfare and sustainability are the top two and three concerns.”
On antibiotics, the average person on the street may not be aware of a problem, Delattre said, but “it doesn’t take more than 30 seconds to explain . . . and they understand that it’s a problem. Everybody understands the importance of antibiotics in modern medicine. And these days, almost everybody knows somebody who’s had a scare with a resistant infection,” he said.
In the end, two slightly different paths are emerging within industrial systems. While Tyson is putting antibiotics back into its production and other big players never eliminated them, Perdue is keeping them out. To help the birds survive without antibiotics, Perdue is vaccinating, keeping barns cleaner, and sending them to slaughter before disease risk spikes.
But while Perdue led the biggest pilot of slower growing, naturally healthier breeds to date, that trial run ended without changing anything across the company’s farms. Stewart-Brown said farmers loved raising the more active chickens, but argued that there “wasn’t much difference” in the chickens’ health and well-being compared to raising a standard, faster-growing breed. (Similarly, many independent farmers raising chickens on small farms choose standard breeds in pastured systems and say the chickens are healthy and active; it’s not a settled issue.)
Despite the ChickenTrack report classifying Perdue as “publicly committed to offering compliant BCC chicken,” Stewart-Brown said the company has no near-term plan to change its breed. The thing is: Corporate commitments are easy to make, and they’re easy to break.
And on the antibiotics issue, there are two ways of seeing how things have actually turned out so far. One is to conclude the larger industry will never be able to get routine drug use out of production until the entire system is overhauled, with slower-growing birds as an essential piece of the puzzle. “Our sense is that to truly solve the antibiotic problem, you have to both dramatically improve husbandry and improve genetics,” said deCoriolis.
On the other hand, advocates like Delattre look at Perdue, which has made smaller tweaks, and see a practical opportunity to solve at least one of the problems most pressing to public health.
“The fact that they’re still sticking with a no antibiotics policy . . . shows clearly that it can be done,” he said. “So why isn’t Tyson doing the same?”
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]]>The post Op-ed: Walmart’s Outsized Catch appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Portions of this essay were previously published as “Walmart’s Ocean: Certifications, Catch Shares, and the Ripple Effects of Corporate Governance on Marine Environments” in Big Box USA: The Environmental Impact of America’s Biggest Retail Stores. Eds. Bartow Elmore, Rachel Gross, and Sherri Sheu. 2023. Colorado University Press.
In March 2023, consumers filed a class action lawsuit against Walmart. This is not unusual—Walmart gets sued about 20 times per day. What was unusual was the reason: The lawsuit alleged that Walmart misled consumers by selling seafood products “certified sustainable” by the nonprofit Marine Stewardship Council (MSC), advertised with a prominent blue checkmark in the shape of a fish.
The lawsuit alleged that “as Walmart knew or should have known, MSC hands out this certification to those who use industrial fishing methods that injure marine life as well as ocean habitats with destructive fishing methods . . . Reasonable consumers believe the fisheries providing these products are maintaining healthy fish populations and protecting ecosystems.”
In fact, the MSC standards themselves promise such protections for the oceans, marine life, and humans. However, the suit also alleged that MSC-certified fisheries engage in the suffocation and crushing of dolphins caught in fishing nets, the killing of endangered sea turtles caught on hooks, and the entangling of critically endangered whales in fishing gear.
“Walmart failed to ensure that the fisheries only sourced using sustainable means, making its promises meaningless,” the lawsuit claimed.
The litigation is unlikely to result in a massive payout for Walmart shoppers. Walmart has moved to dismiss the lawsuit and has stated that “the MSC URL included on the product packaging . . . informs a reasonable consumer what ‘sustainable’ does and does not mean in this context,” while the MSC—which has responded to similar criticism in the past—has not issued a statement.
As a historian of science researching the history of fisheries science, sustainability, and ecosystem and food system management, I believe that this litigation, and similar critiques, raise questions about the Marine Stewardship Council’s rapid rise to prominence and its unique relationship to the world’s largest retailer.
MSC’s influence extends far beyond Walmart. Perhaps the most prominent sustainability certification label for sustainably caught wild fish, it can be found at restaurant chains from McDonald’s to Red Lobster and Olive Garden, and on canned tuna brands including Bumblebee and Chicken of the Sea. Retailers from Costco and IKEA to Whole Foods increase MSC’s credibility among shoppers.
But it turns out that Walmart’s support has been essential to the development and scaling up of MSC’s certification, and perhaps also key to what critics view as the certification’s weaknesses. To understand the rise of MSC, we need to look back into the history of Walmart.
What began as a single general store, “Walton’s 5-10,” in 1950, has become almost incomprehensibly vast, operating on a scale that is larger than that of many countries. Each week, 265 million people shop at Walmart somewhere in the world. By 2018, Walmart controlled 26 percent of the grocery market in the U.S. (as much as 90 percent in some locations), and was called the largest fish retailer in North America by 2015.
“Walmart’s support has been essential to the development and scaling up of MSC’s certification, and perhaps also key to what critics view as the certification’s weaknesses.”
In 2006, however, Walmart faced two serious problems, one relating to supply and the other to demand. On the supply side, Peter Redmond, Walmart’s vice president for seafood and deli, fretted over insecurity in Walmart’s supply chain as the retailer rapidly expanded into the grocery sector.
“I am already having a hard time getting supply,” he reported. “If we add 250 stores a year, imagine how hard it will be in five years.” Walmart’s business model requires suppliers to be consistent, reliable, transparent, and agreeable to changes, particularly price reductions. A complex seafood supply chain where a single fillet might change hands half a dozen times met none of these criteria.
Redmond was concerned about receiving inferior products—or possibly none at all. Over the prior two decades, several huge, historically stable fisheries, including the famed Newfoundland and Grand Banks cod fishery, had collapsed, and a controversial but widely reported scientific paper warned that all commercially fished stocks could collapse by 2048.
On the demand side, put simply, Walmart had an image problem. Once considered “America’s Most Admired Company,” Walmart had begun receiving a torrent of negative publicity on issues ranging from alleged bullying tactics over a proposed store location to allegedly encouraging employees to rely on Medicaid and food stamps (and in one case, holding a food drive for its own food-insecure employees) to compensate for Walmart’s low wages.
Into this breach stepped Rob Walton, son of founder Sam Walton, whose family remains Walmart’s most influential investors. Rob was growing concerned with both the company’s image and the planet’s environmental trajectory. He arranged for his close friend and diving buddy Peter Seligmann, chairman of environmental nonprofit Conservation International, to meet with Walmart’s then-CEO Lee Scott. Seligmann helped convince Scott that a commitment to sustainability would provide much-needed good publicity, while helping secure the stability of volatile supply chains like seafood.
In August 2006, Walmart announced a multi-faceted campaign to go green. For seafood, the corporation began selling products with the Marine Stewardship Council MSC-certified label. They started with 10 products from Beaver Street Seafood and AquaCuisine but had bigger ambitions: “We have set a goal to procure all wild-caught seafood for North America from fisheries certified by the MSC within the next three to five years,” Redmond announced.
Founded in 1997, MSC allowed fisheries to apply to receive its signature blue checkmark by hiring a third party to assess the fishery according to 23 principles. Those principles included priorities such as helping overfished stocks recover and avoiding overfishing and practices that degraded ocean habitat. The assessment was then opened to public comment and objections, redrafted, and the fishery certified or rejected. Certified fisheries undergo reassessment every five years. The process is similar today.
At the time, MSC publicly rejected the role of governments, centering the roles of consumers, environmental groups, and industry instead. A 1996 paper by MSC founder Michael Sutton featured a prominent epigraph from the Secretary General of the U.N. Environment Program (UNEP) stating simply, “The market is replacing our democratic institutions as the key determinant in our society.”
“Walmart’s partnership with MSC turned certification from a value-added product to a necessity for its seafood suppliers. Those businesses now had to pay for the MSC certification process.”
Despite UNEP’s warning tone, Sutton saw this not as a problem, but as an opportunity; the state had failed to manage fisheries sustainably, so it was time to let market forces work their magic. “Government, laws, and treaties aside,” Sutton wrote, “the market will begin to determine the means of fish production.” This pro-market belief fit well with their future partners at Walmart: the Walton family, who own a controlling share of Walmart and whose eponymous Walton Family Foundation was garnering a reputation in the early 2000s for supporting free market causes, including charter schools and school vouchers.
Walmart wasn’t the first retailer to adopt MSC certifications, but it was the biggest, and where Walmart went, other industry players followed. Walmart’s partnership with MSC turned MSC certification from a value-added product to a necessity for its seafood suppliers. Those businesses now had to pay for the MSC certification process (a cost MSC estimates between $15 to $120,000 in consultant fees), if they wanted to keep selling to Walmart (as well as an additional 0.5 percent in royalty fees to MSC if they want to use the MSC logo).
Within the decade, many other major retailers including Aldi, Carrefour, IKEA, and Tesco, and restaurant chains like McDonald’s and Darden, the owner of Olive Garden and Eddie V’s Prime Seafood, had partnerships with MSC.
MSC also received money from the Walton Family Foundation, run by the children and grandchildren of Sam Walton, including Rob Walton, who helped convince Walmart’s CEO to embark on the conservation program in the first place. In 2010, the foundation was MSC’s largest single donor, contributing $4.5 million. Walton Family Foundation donations to MSC fluctuated over the next decade but often exceeded seven figures, including a 2021 grant of $1.05 million.
“In 2015, 73 percent of the organization’s income, or $14 million, came from charging seafood companies 0.05 percent of the wholesale value of sales to use its label, according to a leaked WWF report.”
In 2010, in the same newsletter announcing their partnership with Walmart, the MSC also announced a “new strategic plan [that] sets out how we will scale up our activities and accelerate the delivery of our mission.” After “an intensive planning process generously funded by the David and Lucile Packard Foundation and the Walton Family Foundation,” MSC accelerated development. Their budget increased from a little over $2 million in 2005 to nearly $20 million in 2013, and the number of certified fisheries increased seven-fold from 2006 to 2013.
But scaling rarely comes without turbulence, and an enlarged MSC quickly found itself navigating rougher seas. An increasing number of scientists and conservation groups, from Greenpeace to Pew Environmental Group to MSC’s co-founding organization, World Wildlife Fund (WWF), found fault with MSC practices.
Some were concerned with MSC’s objection process, in which any outside organization concerned about a pending certification—often environmental groups or fishers from adjacent fisheries—paid up to £15,000 to lodge complaints (in August 2010, the maximum fee was lowered to £5,000). Those objections were also handled by lawyers who were explicitly instructed not to consider biological critiques, and objections almost never succeeded.
Others were concerned that MSC had a significant, and increasing, financial interest in certifying fisheries: In 2015, 73 percent of the organization’s income, or $14 million, came from charging seafood companies 0.05 percent of the wholesale value of sales to use its label, according to a leaked WWF report. The MSC thus had direct financial incentive to certify more fisheries and allow larger catches.
“MSC’s definition of sustainable fishing was loose enough to justify the certification of fisheries that were overfished or where overfishing was ongoing. Those words—overfished and overfishing—don’t have a universally agreed-upon definition.”
WWF characterized MSC as having “aggressively pursued global scale growth” and said it had “begun to reap very large sums from the fishing industry.” MSC Science and Standards Director David Agnew denied “any conflict of interest with his organization’s logo licensing or financial model,” while WWF characterized the report as an unofficial working document that was part of an “ongoing dialogue that we are having with the MSC to drive positive change in the marine environment.”
But there was an even deeper critique. MSC’s definition of sustainable fishing was loose enough to justify the certification of fisheries that were overfished or where overfishing was ongoing. Those words—overfished and overfishing—don’t have a universally agreed-upon definition. So, MSC, critics say, set the bar low, using one of the most permissive definitions. Under a more stringent definition, a third of its certified fisheries failed to meet the mark in a scientific review.
And MSC-certified fisheries can also do enormous environmental damage. Even though MSC’s principles clearly state that certified fisheries should not damage ecosystems, the only fishing techniques that are explicitly banned are dynamite, poison fishing, and shark-finning. Other fishing methods that have been attributed to high rates of bycatch and ecosystem damage—including bottom trawling and longlining, the standard practices of well-capitalized, wealthy countries like the U.S.—are not considered inherently unsustainable but run against its principles, although they are still permitted under the certification. For instance, the MSC-certified Northeast Arctic saithe fishery uses bottom-trawling, and therefore catches endangered golden redfish, too.
“Proponents of the MSC argue that it serves as an incentive for those in certified fisheries to avoid overfishing, no matter how large or industrialized, while detractors suggest that it can greenwash unsustainable and damaging fisheries, all while keeping demand high among unsuspecting consumers.”
This is just one way MSC certification has benefited wealthier fishers and their industries. Smaller-scale fishers, often from heavily fishing-dependent communities, are also less able to afford the certification fees and never get certified in the first place. In a marketplace saturated with MSC’s blue checkmark, they lose market leverage, even if they use more environmentally friendly techniques, are more sustainable, and provide greater employment and food security.
Even so, small-scale fishing vessels were alleged to disproportionately feature on MSC’s promotional material in a 2020 study in PLOS, the nonprofit academic journal. MSC disagreed with this analysis, in particular defending the potential sustainability of large industrial fisheries, but also affirmed that as of 2020, “the percentage of small-scale fisheries achieving MSC certification [was] . . . around 16 percent,” while “small-scale fisheries account for roughly 90 percent of fishers.” MSC also called attention to a new initiative, the Ocean Stewardship Fund, which has dedicated over $4.9 million to over 106 diverse fishery improvement projects in small-scale and developing nations fishing programs.
But did MSC actually improve the stocks of the fisheries themselves? Proponents of the MSC argue that it serves as an incentive for those in certified fisheries to avoid overfishing, no matter how large or industrialized, while detractors suggest that it can greenwash unsustainable and damaging fisheries, all while keeping demand high among unsuspecting consumers.
Walmart’s own shifting sustainability goals fed detractors’ concerns: It amended its initial goal of only stocking certified sustainable fish to include fisheries “on their way” to earning a sustainability label. By 2017, Walmart’s official Seafood Policy claimed that by 2025 all seafood would be sourced from fisheries that are “third-party certified” by the MSC (or some other certifier recognized by the Global Sustainable Seafood Initiative), or “actively working toward certification.”
The MSC itself has also issued certifications for fisheries aspiring to, but not yet achieving, sustainability. WWF, no longer affiliated with MSC, raised the alarm, arguing that the certification of fisheries targeting endangered bluefin tuna by Japan and France at the time was premature. Wasn’t the MSC supposed to certify fisheries that were already sustainable, not reward aspirations alone? Now Walmart’s “100 percent sustainable” seafood department could stock products from fisheries “on their way” to receiving a certification that said they were on their way to sustainability.
MSC later claimed that WWF’s concerns had been addressed, arguing, “The assessor’s recommendation for the MSC to certify the fishery is informed by the latest scientific advice,” with contributions from marine scientists and NGOs, including WWF.
“Walmart’s partnership with MSC has helped make the concept of sustainable fish—the concept of sustainability itself—into a commodity, sellable through a blue checkmark.”
Nevertheless, this is how Walmart’s partnership with MSC has helped make the concept of sustainable fish—the concept of sustainability itself—into a commodity, sellable through a blue checkmark. In some cases, MSC certification may have saved thousands of seabirds and other marine life, while in others it may have greenwashed unsustainable fishing practices and hurt other conservation efforts.
It also has a clear effect on the fishing industry, which now must navigate an expensive new market of certification consultancies that favors large industrial fisheries over small community-based ones. MSC has heard this criticism, and has worked toward getting smaller-scale fisheries in poor countries certified. Unknown, however, is whether those fisheries can still support local communities once they are part of an MSC program. The programs are, after all, market tools for global supply chains, and can untether local fisheries from their otherwise protein-sparse communities when the resources of poor countries are used to feed rich ones.
Despite Walmart’s success in shaping the narrative of sustainability, Walmart’s seafood policy demonstrated the limits of stateless corporate governance. Twenty years later, Walmart may be discovering what other observers believed from the start: Markets have not shown themselves singlehandedly capable of enforcing sustainable fishing. Only governments can enforce the compliance that certifications generally call for.
So, while for decades, Walmart, the Walton Family Foundation, and its partner, the MSC, advocated for market-based environmentalism, all have since had to turn to traditional governing bodies to meet their sustainability commitments and call for more action from regulators. In an interview with me in 2021, Teresa Ish, Walton Family Foundation’s oceans initiative lead and senior environment program officer, said, “It is kind of ironic that it all comes back to that management side, but that’s where we are now.”
“For decades, Walmart, the Walton Family Foundation, and its partner, the MSC, advocated for market-based environmentalism, all have since had to turn to traditional governing bodies to meet their sustainability commitments and call for more action from regulators.”
What this means in practice is that MSC and the Walton Family Foundation, both historic advocates for free-market environmentalism and limited regulation, have recently been in the position of “asking” the governments of countries where Walmart buys fish to bolster their fishery management and regulatory efforts.
This can take the form of open letters like the one signed by Walmart, Carrefour, Nestlé, Publix, and Tesco in May 2020 calling on governments to allow electronic monitoring of tuna vessels during the COVID-19 pandemic so that the retailers could still meet their product commitments while the human observers who keep tuna fishing sustainable were off-duty for safety reasons.
Or devising fishery improvement plans (FIPs)—in which certifiers or industry or others call for a rearrangement of fishery management in exchange for funding—which the Walton Family Foundation’s own consultants have found “must compel governments to adopt changes” in order to succeed and often still result in adverse outcomes for local communities.
For its part, MSC has announced, “Governments must cooperate to seize the opportunities of a blue revolution.” This while its Ocean Stewardship Fund is providing research for international fishery management agencies and hoping to influence multinational fishery management regulations—important work, but not easily classifiable as market-based environmentalism.
“It’s just a definition of sustainability compatible with late-stage capitalism, unlikely to be compatible with complex ecosystems, unpredictable population fluctuations, and a changing climate.”
In some ways, we have come full circle, back to traditional environmental strategies like government regulations that use lawsuits to enforce them. And yet Walmart’s corporate governance strategies have allowed it to rely on MSC’s debatable sustainability criteria in such a way that, combined with charitable giving from the Walton Family Foundation and other philanthropic partners, Walmart can achieve its sustainability goals without fundamentally changing its business model.
This reformulated sustainability doesn’t solve the problems associated with producing low-cost disposable goods and shipping them across the world, or relying on the continued, predictable harvest of wild animals with naturally fluctuating population dynamics. It’s just a definition of sustainability compatible with late-stage capitalism, unlikely to be compatible with complex ecosystems, unpredictable population fluctuations, and a changing climate.
This contradiction at the heart of a sustainable Walmart is elided by the company’s rhetoric. By declaring that MSC certification means a fishery is sustainable, Walmart is shifting the burden of proof onto anyone who says their products are not sustainable, or who has a different, perhaps more rigorous, definition of sustainability. Walmart is relying on both certification itself and whatever ecological results it has as positive environmental outcomes—as sustainable. This is an important aspect of corporate greenwashing: moving the goalposts.
Now, this mismatch between reality and rhetoric could get even more problematic: In 2020, Walmart President Doug McMillan announced that Walmart aims to become “a regenerative company—one that works to restore, renew, and replenish in addition to preserving our planet.” But how can a company whose business model depends on moving cheap goods and extracted resources be, on net, ecologically regenerative?
Barring a substantial shift in that business model, which may entail higher prices on consumer goods, it seems more likely that regenerative, like sustainable, will become a word whose meaning is determined by Walmart.
For additional reading on this subject:
Charles Fishman, The Wal-Mart Effect: How the World’s Most Powerful Company Really Works and How It’s Transforming the American Economy (New York: Penguin Press, 2006); Nick Copeland and Christine Labuski, The World of Wal-Mart: Discounting the American Dream, (London: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2013); Anthony Bianco, The Bully of Bentonville: How the High Cost of Wal-Mart’s Everyday Low Prices Is Hurting America (New York: 2006); Carolina Bank Muñoz, Bridget Kenny, and Antonio Stecher, Walmart in the Global South: Workplace Culture, Labor Politics, and Supply Chains (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2018); Gary Gereffi and Michelle Christian, “The Impacts of Wal-Mart: The Rise and Consequences of the World’s Dominant Retailer,” Annual Review of Sociology 35, no. 1 (2009): 573–91; Adam Levy, “Walmart’s Lead in Groceries Could Get Even Bigger,” The Motley Fool, October 11, 2018; Nelson Lichtenstein, ed., Wal-Mart: The Face of Twenty-First-Century Capitalism, 2006; Bethany Moreton, To Serve God and Wal-Mart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010); Sandra Mottner and S. Smith, “Wal-Mart: Supplier Performance and Market Power,” Journal of Business Research 62, no. 5 (2009): 535–41; Bob Ortega, In Sam We Trust: The Untold Story of Sam Walton and How Wal-Mart Is Devouring America, 1st ed. (New York: Times Business, 1998).
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]]>The post Walmart and EDF Forged an Unlikely Partnership. 17 Years Later, What’s Changed? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Elizabeth Sturcken firmly believes in the power of big companies to make small, meaningful changes that lead to global environmental progress. You’d have to, in order to do what she does, which is work alongside powerhouses like McDonald’s and United Airlines to push them towards setting and meeting climate goals.
Sturcken directs climate impact inside the Environmental Defense Fund’s (EDF) division devoted to corporate partnerships. And her biggest partnership so far is with Walmart. Sturcken has been working with Walmart since 2006, and her team continues to work with the company on its Project Gigaton initiative to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in its supply chains.
The work—and especially the Walmart partnership—has earned EDF both praise and criticism over the years. Some say EDF’s environmental approach is practical and designed for maximum impact, given the power of corporations to effect change at scale; others see only enabling greenwashing in the organization’s willingness to work with companies that often take maximum credit for minimal improvements.
Critics also say that pointing to Walmart’s progress is very much in the interest of EDF: Over the past 20 years, EDF has received more than $100 million from the Walton Family Foundation. In 2021 alone, the Foundation provided EDF with nearly $10.5 million in funding. Lukas Walton’s Builders’ Initiative, meanwhile, gave EDF $530,000, and Ben Walton’s Zoma Foundation gave $140,000. EDF characterizes the relationships as completely separate and says it does not take funding from corporations it works with, including Walmart.
In this interview, Sturcken spoke to Civil Eats about EDF’s work with Walmart, its impacts, and admitted limitations.
Walmart’s goal to become a regenerative company “is a huge, ambitious aspiration. It is where they need to head, and it’s where we need to head as a planet,” she said. “And yet, of course, they’re far from even being a sustainable company despite their leadership over . . . 20 years.”
Walmart’s sustainability work started around 2005, and it seems like EDF started working with the company pretty soon after that. Is that right?
It started with these conversations that were held in the basement of a hotel in Fayetteville, [Arkansas] with a bunch of environmental groups and other civil society advocates. And no one wanted to admit that they had those meetings at that time because Walmart was really under attack from all angles.
I think that EDF saw an opportunity in that Walmart was the most powerful company in the United States—arguably in the world—to try to drive ambitious environmental outcomes. So, we decided to jump in and try to work with them. We invested in being the first and only NGO to set up an office in Bentonville, Arkansas.
I was just coming back from maternity leave in 2005 . . . and when I heard about the initial conversations with Walmart, I’m like, “That’s gonna be big. I want to do that.” So, I jumped in to lead this work, and I have led it for all of these years.
In a 2009 video of you speaking to Walmart leadership, you said two interesting things. First, you said, “I’ve never seen a company embrace sustainability as fully as Walmart.” But then later, you said, “The world will celebrate with you when you show measurable progress towards these goals.” It sounded like you were trying to applaud but also challenge them. Can you say more?
For over 25 years, I’ve been at EDF working with companies, and when we started out, it was an open question whether there was a win-win, like a business win along with an environmental win. And now, there’s no question that that is the case. Not that being a sustainable company doesn’t cost money, it does. But just that the business benefits are tangible, real, and they cover all sorts of different things. There can be cost savings. There are PR benefits. There is employee engagement and customer engagement. And this is key for the food and ag space: there’s supply chain risk reduction.
What we have seen over the years is if a company embraces sustainability and incorporates it deep in the business, there is this positive feedback loop. They continue to do more and step up and lead even further. So, the ripple effect with Walmart goes back to those early days where they communicated to their suppliers that, “We want you to lead.”
We got Walmart to set the first supply chain carbon reduction goal of any retailer. I believe it called for a reduction or avoidance of 20 million metric tons of greenhouse gasses. We jumped in and . . . ultimately figured out where the big buckets of carbon were and where the big opportunities in different product categories and different parts of the value chain were. The answer was to dive in where there was a lot of opportunity both for carbon reduction and for business engagement.
That initial goal around supply chain carbon eventually led to Project Gigaton, right?
That’s right. They ended up meeting and exceeding their goal. It was product energy efficiency, and it was engaging in food and ag . . . and as I said, going after where the lowest hanging fruit was where there was a positive business benefit.
One of the areas of opportunity was fertilizer optimization. That was an opportunity both because . . . fertilizer itself, if it’s synthetic, it’s a petrochemical. So, that has embedded greenhouse gases. And if fertilizer is not taken up by the plant, [nitrous oxide] gets into the atmosphere, and it has more global warming potential [compared to carbon dioxide]. And fertilizer is one of the biggest inputs at the farm level, so there were business benefits to optimizing fertilizer use on the ground.
But it’s not easy to reach that deep into your supply chain and engage on the farm level. For Walmart, it involved bringing their whole supply chain along. So, engaging with big suppliers of food and ag products and trying to make clear what the opportunity was and then work together to try and figure out something that would work for them to engage more deeply in their supply chain. So, it was definitely a ripple-effect project.
“The best way to describe Project Gigaton is that Walmart is rolling out the red carpet to its supply chain and saying, “Come with us on this journey to sustainability. There are business benefits to doing so.'”
Can you say more about how that project actually worked? They don’t buy directly from a farmer growing corn in Iowa, so are they going to the meat companies and saying, “We’re going to send EDF out to farms that grow feed for you.” What were the logistics?
You’re testing the bounds of my memory a little bit, Lisa . . . because it was also my team that was executing this work. But, it was very much working with Walmart’s sustainability team to engage their suppliers. For us, I work in the part of EDF that works with companies. We rely on pooling the best-in-class science from other parts of EDF. So, pooling our knowledge of how to optimize nitrogen . . . and pooling other leaders in our ecosystems team that had direct connections with entities that work in the big corn-growing regions.
I understand that it’s been a long time. But I do have other specific questions on this. EDF shared a lot of specific numbers that we talked about earlier related to this project. Like surpassing that goal of 20 million metric tons of carbon emissions reduced. I’m really interested in what kind of measurement was happening on the ground. What are those numbers based on, and how were you tracking those emissions reductions?
They were numbers that were reported to us. We were engaged quite deeply in helping collect that data. But I believe that it was all self-reported data, which is definitely challenging. It always is with this kind of voluntary corporate work.
Yes, and I have the same question about Project Gigaton. Is that all self-reported data, too? Walmart says that its suppliers are reducing emissions and then the company releases numbers, but there’s no way to understand where the data is coming from, what kinds of reductions the companies might be making and how they’re measuring, or which companies are making them. How can we make sense of those numbers?
Along with WWF [World Wildlife Fund], we at EDF are engaged with Project Gigaton and are working with Walmart on this effort. Internally, Walmart has a team that’s creating a lot of the tools and technology that helps immediately flag any things that are suspicious in terms of double counting or numbers that are too big or don’t necessarily make sense. And to try to double check with the suppliers. Again, all of it is self-reported.
But many of these companies are very much at the beginning of their journey, and Walmart has really been at the forefront of bringing these companies along. We are at this time where we know the IPCC [the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] says that we need to reduce emissions by 50 percent, and emissions are still increasing. So, we know we need to move faster, and yet the challenge is you have to get companies on that journey so that they can actually start to see those business benefits.
The best way to describe Project Gigaton is that Walmart is rolling out the red carpet to its supply chain and saying, “Come with us on this journey to sustainability. There are business benefits to doing so.” They’re laying the breadcrumbs along the path.
“Walmart operates in an environment that lacks any regulation in the United States on climate, right? Even the amazing Inflation Reduction Act is all carrots and no stick.”
If I could wave a magic wand, every single company in Walmart’s supply chain would be setting a goal for its scope 1, 2, and 3 emissions that is aligned with science and be creating a plan and reporting on that transparently and have third-party data analysis. That would be great. But in the United States, at least, where there is no regulation, this [project] is what creates this powerful change—a company that purchases a lot of products and spends billions of dollars in its supply chain saying to its suppliers, “We need you to join us on this journey. Here’s how to do it. Here are the tools. Here’s how to set a smart goal.”
I hear you, but the way other people look at it is that Walmart is so powerful at this point. And while some of the food companies in its supply chains might be just starting out on their sustainability journey, many are well-resourced companies with a lot of money and a lot of power. Other people I’ve spoken to have said, “Rather than inviting them on this journey, if Walmart just said, ‘We’re not going to buy from you if you continue to participate in deforestation,’” for example, the companies would do it, because they don’t want to give up Walmart as a customer. What do you think of that argument? Given how much power they have and how important this is, couldn’t they demand more?
Walmart operates in an environment that lacks any regulation in the United States on climate, right? Even the amazing Inflation Reduction Act is all carrots and no stick. So, in some ways, it’s truly amazing leadership what Walmart has done on sustainability, and it continues to press forward in bigger and bigger ways.
It is true that I would love for Walmart to require thorough, performance-based environmental outcomes from its suppliers. That is an ideal. I always want companies to be more ambitious. I want them to lead on pushing for climate policy, because that piece is super critical. I want them to lead on driving actual results in their own operations for climate and nature and toxics and all of those issues. And I also want them to fully engage their supply chain and to do so in a way that really requires progress. That’s the ultimate goal.
This interview was edited for length and clarity.
The post Walmart and EDF Forged an Unlikely Partnership. 17 Years Later, What’s Changed? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post Will the USDA Crack Down on Antibiotics Labeling in Meat? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>It also released preliminary results from its own testing of beef labeled “raised without antibiotics, which found that ~20 percent of samples taken from ~200 cattle at 84 facilities in 34 states contained antibiotic residue.
The new guidelines are voluntary, but the agency said that in the future it “will take enforcement action against any establishments found to be making false or misleading negative antibiotic claims.”
Last week, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) announced it will begin evaluating how to better regulate the use of terms that describe how farm animals are raised—like “free-range” and “grass-fed”—on meat products. And while the agency’s plan will tackle multiple claims, it zeroed in specifically on labels relating to antibiotic use: both “raised without antibiotics” and “no antibiotics ever.”
Many experts and advocates who work to reduce the overuse of antibiotics in agriculture to slow the proliferation of dangerous, antibiotic-resistant bacteria cheered the news. Despite a rise in antibiotic-related labels at the grocery store, the use of medically important antibiotics in feed and water is still routine and widespread in pork and beef production.
Laura Rogers, the deputy director of the Antibiotic Resistance Action Center at George Washington University, said the agency’s action is “a big deal” for farmers and ranchers and for eaters who aim to buy meat from systems that minimize or eliminate antibiotic use.
Farm Forward Executive Director Andrew deCoriolis said the effectiveness of the effort will depend on whether the agency establishes binding requirements or simply issues voluntary guidance.
“If you’re going to buy a product and do the right thing and pay that extra premium, you deserve to get what you pay for,” Rogers said. “If you spoke to a rancher who is not cheating, they too would want to see the cheaters weeded out.”
That’s one big reason the USDA cited for taking action: The plan is part of the Biden administration’s larger initiative to increase competition in the U.S. economy. In agriculture, that has meant targeting increasing consolidation in the meat industry and finding ways to level the playing field for farmers and ranchers who have lost power and profits to a small handful of big meat packers.
In March, for example, USDA proposed a long-sought update to the “Product of USA” meat label that would require meat bearing the label to come from animals born and raised in the U.S. As it stands now, just processing the meat here is enough to warrant the label.
USDA’s current process for evaluating no-antibiotic claims is minimal, and there’s real evidence that suggests some producers are cheating, making it harder for farms legitimately taking on the cost of eliminating antibiotics to compete.
In April 2022, Rogers and her colleagues at the Milken Institute published a study that found 15 percent of beef samples labeled “raised without antibiotics” came from a feedlot where an animal had tested positive for antibiotics. To get the numbers, the researchers used testing done by FoodID, a company working to bring transparency to antibiotics use in meat.
Now, USDA says it will do its own sampling project. It will then use those results to determine whether it should do its own testing of all products submitted to carry the “raised without antibiotics” claim or require producers to submit their own lab testing results.
Rogers said it will be key that the agency uses “the most modern technology available . . . that can detect trace amounts” of antibiotics.
In a blog post, Andrew deCoriolis, Farm Forward’s executive director, said the effectiveness of the effort will depend on whether the agency establishes binding requirements or simply issues voluntary guidance. He also pointed to USDA’s plan to encourage third-party certifications as a potentially controversial option, given how much those private certifications vary in what they require.
“Even if the USDA does require third-party certification, it’s critical that they disqualify industry-controlled humanewashing certifications like One Health Certified or American Humane as evidence that a company has indeed raised animals in more humane conditions,” he wrote. USDA Organic and American Grassfed are examples of certification schemes that don’t allow antibiotics in production.
Meanwhile, in the same week, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) released its own news about antibiotics in meat. It announced it had officially finished the process of moving all medically important antibiotics that still had over-the-counter status to prescription. Most of the common drugs were moved over several years ago, and this announcement applied to the last group representing only around 3 percent of the total used, estimated Steve Roach, a senior analyst for Keep Antibiotics Working.
“It’s symbolic; it’s not going to achieve a huge reduction in antibiotic use in food animal production,” Rogers explained, since most medically important drugs given to animals routinely are administered with veterinarian approval. “What FDA really needs to do is the work that they have not picked up since 2013, where they left this loophole where there are lots and lots of drugs that are used in food and water in animal production for prevention. It’s not a judicious use of life-saving antibiotics.”
Read More:
Is the U.S. Doing Enough to Address the Meat Industry’s Role in Antibiotic Resistance?
Could a Rapid Test for Antibiotics Force Transparency in the Meat Supply?
FDA Data Shows a Worrisome Increase in Antibiotic Use in Animal Agriculture
Budget Battles. Last Wednesday, Republican representatives on the House Appropriations Committee passed a controversial agriculture spending bill for fiscal year 2024 that includes deep cuts and policy riders with serious implications for food and agriculture programs. On nutrition programs, the bill would again increase work requirements and limit food choices within the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) while significantly cutting funding and extra fruit and vegetable benefits for mothers and children receiving Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) benefits.
“Hunger in this country would be far worse if not for programs like SNAP and WIC. Reducing funding for these programs will increase hunger, malnutrition, and poverty and worsen family security, child and adult health, employment, and other outcomes,” said Luis Guardia, president of the Food Research & Action Center (FRAC), in a statement.
On agriculture, Republicans inserted a policy rider that would stop the USDA from moving forward with new rules to enforce provisions of the Packers and Stockyards Act meant to protect farmers from meatpacker power imbalances. A coalition of 102 farm organizations including the National Farmers Union and the National Family Farm Coalition sent a letter to lawmakers opposing the rider, which meat industry-aligned groups including the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association called “a win for cattle producers.”
Read More:
A Food Program for Women and Children Is About to Get More Federal Support
Just a Few Companies Control the Meat Industry. Can a New Approach to Monopolies Level the Playing Field?
Soil Saga Continues. After years of debate and protest among farmers, certifiers, food companies, and experts over whether hydroponic fruit and vegetable production should be eligible for organic certification, the board that oversees the USDA Organic program voted to allow it in 2017. Five years later, the issue is far from settled. Last week, a group of six organic certifiers and the Real Organic Project opened up a new battlefront with the USDA. OneCert, OneCert International, OEFFA Certification, Vermont Organic Farmers, NOFA-NY Certified Organic, and MOFGA Certification Services announced that they would all continue to refuse to certify hydroponic farms, despite the USDA citing OneCert for noncompliance with the agency’s standards. The group also released a position paper with scientific and legal arguments supporting the decision. The paper was endorsed by 71 food and agriculture organizations. “Soil is the foundation of organic systems and respect for these farmers and their voices is foundational to the integrity of the organic movement,” said Julia Barton, a policy specialist at OEFFA.
Read More:
What Is the Future of Organic?
If Your Veggies Weren’t Grown in Soil, Can They Be Organic?
New Research on Gas Stoves. In recent years, the case for shifting to electric stoves has grown stronger. Research has shown gas units continuously emit climate-warming methane, and that cooking with gas can lead to nitrogen dioxide and other dangerous emissions in the home. Now, a study published in Environmental Science & Technology details yet another health hazard. After collecting data from 87 homes in California and Colorado, researchers found that gas stoves emit benzene when operating. Benzene is classified as a carcinogen and is associated with some cancers at certain levels of exposure. “Our findings suggest that the concentrations of benzene produced by combustion from gas stoves and ovens indoors may increase health risks under some conditions,” the researchers wrote.
Read More:
Methane from Agriculture Is a Big Problem. We Explain Why
Leaving Some Farmland Fallow Benefits the Air We Breathe
The Cost of Hot and Dry Conditions. While California and Colorado have long been the focus of conversations about drought affecting agriculture, Midwest farmers are now being hit hard by lack of rainfall. More than half of the country’s corn, soybean, sorghum, and winter wheat crops are currently affected by drought, according to new USDA data. In Iowa, farmers are monitoring their crops closely for slower growth that could affect yields.
Meanwhile, the Environmental Working Group just released an analysis of how climate change is affecting farms in the Southwest, leading to higher costs for taxpayers. EWG found that in more than half of the counties in Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah, temperatures increased between 2000 and 2001 while heat-related crop insurance payouts also rose. The organization calculated that Southwest farmers received over $1.33 billion in crop insurance payments for reduced crop yields due to heat.
Read More:
In the Age of Megadrought, Farmers See Promise in Agave
As Drought Hits Farms, Investors Lay Claim to Colorado Water
Saving California Salmon. Members of a coalition of tribes and environmental advocacy groups will hold a “day of action” on July 5 at the California state capitol to fight recent policy decisions they say threaten salmon populations and hurt the Indigenous communities for whom the fish is a resource and important part of their cultural heritage. Governor Gavin Newsom has sought changes to environmental laws to make it easier for the state to bypass environmental reviews to greenlight infrastructure projects. Some of the projects on the table would divert water resources in ways experts say would decimate salmon populations.
Read More:
“Salmon is Life.” For Native Alaskans, Salmon Declines Pose Existential Crisis
What the History of Salmon Can Tell Us About the Future of the Planet
The post Will the USDA Crack Down on Antibiotics Labeling in Meat? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post Momentum Builds to Regulate Water Pollution from CAFOs appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>As a result of a series of recent developments, industrial farms that raise thousands of animals in concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) are facing new regulations aimed at preventing water pollution. And the American public will soon have additional information about just how much pollution the facilities create each year.
Last week, advocacy groups logged victories in two significant court cases. In one, a judge decided that CAFOs that were previously exempt from environmental impact assessments will now be required to complete them in order to access government loans. In another, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) agreed to respond by August to a petition it had ignored for more than five years. In the petition, advocacy groups detail loopholes in CAFO permitting and outline a plan for the agency to more closely regulate the facilities under the Clean Water Act.
“This issue has gone unaddressed for so long by the agency that it really forces us and our allies to put more and more pressure on EPA to get something done,” said Emily Miller, a staff attorney for Food & Water Watch, one of the organizations involved in the lawsuits. “It has been years—decades, really—since they’ve taken a hard look at this industry and its pollution.”
As animal agriculture has consolidated and shifted toward larger CAFOs over the last several decades, the industry has evaded many of the environmental regulations to which other industries are held. Last year, researchers at the Environmental Integrity Project found that over 50 years, the Clean Water Act successfully tackled pollution from many industries—except agriculture. They pointed to runoff from CAFOs and crop fields as the largest reason that half of the country’s waterways are impaired. Another 2019 analysis found that no permits or other data existed for half of the CAFOs the EPA estimated were operating.
Last week’s developments come on the heels of a court case from earlier this year that could specifically address that data gap. In response to advocacy groups’ accusations that the agency has been violating its annual Clean Water Act obligations to monitor CAFO pollution, the EPA announced it will complete a detailed study of the industry and its water pollution impacts, with data to be published this summer.
“If EPA does this study correctly and really takes a comprehensive look at the industry’s waste streams,” Miller said, she hopes is that “it will lead to the unavoidable conclusion that the regulations these industries are subject to now don’t work and need to be stronger.”
There is precedent for that pathway. In 2021, EPA studied pollution from slaughterhouses and determined that meat and poultry plants discharge the most phosphorous and the second highest levels of nitrogen—nutrients that cause dead zones in waterways—compared to other industries. The agency followed that up by announcing that it will propose updates to water-pollution rules for slaughterhouses by the end of this year.
Of course, agriculture groups and meatpackers are bound to push back, and the outcome of all of this movement is far from certain.
In fact, last week, President Biden also vetoed a Congressional attempt to weaken a rule that defines which waterways in the country are subject to regulations to prevent pollution. And while that decision supports the overall shift toward more stringent protections for waterways, the rule’s long history demonstrates just how complicated and winding the fight over water pollution from agriculture can be.
Environmental and farm groups have been fighting over what is referred to as WOTUS, or waters of the U.S., since the Obama era. Each subsequent administration has changed the rule, while rumors and misinformation about what it does and doesn’t allow farmers to do have often received more attention than the rule itself. Meanwhile, one aspect of it is currently being considered by the Supreme Court.
In other words, it will be a while before there’s any clarity about the real implications of these court decisions and EPA announcements on the nation’s waterways—but in the meantime, change appears underfoot.
Read More:
The Field Report: The Clean Water Act Has Failed to Curb Agricultural Pollution
EPA to Revise Outdated Water Pollution Standards for Slaughterhouses
Op-Ed: Water Pollution in Iowa is Environmental Justice
Label claims. Last week, a group of lawmakers waded into the murky world of meat labeling. Senators Richard Blumenthal (D-Connecticut), Cory Booker (D-New Jersey), Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts), and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island) sent a letter to the USDA asking the agency to evaluate its guidelines for the use of animal welfare claims including “humanely raised” and “sustainably farmed.”
The senators cited a recent report from the Animal Welfare Institute (AWI) that found that while the USDA is supposed to deny the use of false or misleading label claims, companies never applied to substantiate about half of the products that included claims. Also, AWI found that the USDA does not have legal definitions set for terms including “animal welfare,” “humane,” or “sustainable.” Companies are able to define those terms on their own, making it difficult for shoppers to make sense of them.
“Without clear labels, consumers are robbed of their ability to purchase in accordance with their values,” the senators wrote. “The USDA has an obligation to ensure consumers have the information necessary to make informed choices about the products they purchase and that hardworking farmers and producers are able to compete on a level playing field.”
Animal welfare claims on meat, including those that are certified by third-party organizations, have long been controversial and confusing for consumers, and not even animal welfare organizations agree on how some terms should be defined.
Read More:
Are Some Animal Welfare Labels ‘Humanewashing’?
Fast Food and Grocery Giants Promise to Sell ‘Better’ Chicken. Is It Enough?
Climate Money in Action. Last Thursday in Ames, Iowa, Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack announced that the USDA had awarded $40 million to 31 new Conservation Innovation Grant (CIG) recipients and $19 million to fund two Regional Conservation Partnership Program (RCPP) grants. CIG is a special program within the Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP) that funds projects that test innovative new conservation practices via on-farm trials. The funded projects include innovative rice irrigation techniques, biochar addition to farm soils, and microbial feed supplements to reduce methane emissions from dairy cows.
RCPP grants involve multiple partners coordinating in one region. The two new projects include one focused on using biochar and other techniques to improve soil health in the Mississippi River Basin and another that will create networks of farms around anaerobic digesters, which process manure to reduce methane emissions.
All of the money comes from the additional conservation funding provided by the Inflation Reduction Act.
Read More:
Is This Biochar’s Big, Carbon-Rich Moment?
Are Dairy Digesters the Renewable Energy Answer or a ‘False Solution’ to Climate Change?
What the Historic Climate Bill Means for Farmers and the Food System
The post Momentum Builds to Regulate Water Pollution from CAFOs appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post Farmers March for Urgent Climate Action in DC appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Agrarian movements in the U.S. are rooted in a storied history. Enslaved Black people who were forced to work in cotton and other fields revolted over 100 times between the 17th and 19th century. Exploited California farmworkers went on strike and unionized in the 1960s. And farmers faced with economic ruin during the Farm Crisis of the late 1970s and early ‘80s drove their tractors to Washington, D.C. to demand fair prices.
This week, another nascent movement appeared to be coalescing at Freedom Plaza, just steps from the White House. There, farmers and their advocates gathered to bring attention to the urgency of the climate crisis at what they called the Rally for Resilience.
It was one part of a larger effort to meet an important moment. With the country’s biggest piece of farm legislation set to be reauthorized this year, 24 organizations—including the HEAL Food Alliance, the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition (NSAC), and Rural Advancement Foundation International (RAFI-USA)—joined together to organize three days of action in the nation’s capital.
A few hundred farmers and allies attended, and the crowd was diverse in every way: Indigenous and Black, urban and rural, organic and regenerative, farmers and farmworkers. At a time when many farmers are aging out of the occupation, the bulk of U.S. farmland is owned by a shrinking number of people, and the question of who will grow food here in the coming years looms large, many were also notably young.
“Some of us wondered, ‘Who’s gonna continue the fight?’” said David Senter, who in 1979 spent 15 days driving his tractor to D.C. from Texas to demand parity for farmers. Senter was back this week to represent the Farm Aid generation. From the stage, he said he was thrilled by the faces in the crowd and their commitment to farming and environmental stewardship. “I pledge my support to all of you young people,” he said. (Stalwart farmer advocates John Mellencamp and Willie Nelson also showed up to offer support—Mellencamp on stage and Nelson via video.)
The rally was officially focused on climate action, but a mark of this particular movement is a broader recognition of the unequal impacts of the climate crisis and the fact that the policy solutions on the table could easily bypass groups without mainstream agricultural power. Farmers held signs that said “Less oil, more soil,” as well as “Black food sovereignty now” and “Communities over corporations.”
“For generations, corporations and Big Ag have seen us a source of labor and not as the farmers,” said Julieta Saucedo, a small-scale farmer from El Paso, Texas, as she talked about the agroecological farm and land stewardship practices passed down in her family. “The relationship we build with soil dictates the future of our food systems for generations.”
As the farmers prepared to march to the Capitol building and then to meet with legislators to talk about the farm bill the following day, it was clear that although they will face significant challenges in moving their agenda forward, they are beginning to build strength in numbers—just as their ancestors did. As Navajo Nation farmer Chili Yazzie said, “Farmers are tough, but Mother Nature’s tougher.”
Below, we present scenes from the Farmers for Climate Action: Rally for Resilience.
Where’s the Beef (from)? After several years of rancher and consumer-group advocacy, this week, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) proposed new regulations that would only allow meat “derived from animals born, raised, slaughtered, and processed in the U.S. to be labeled “Product of USA.”
Currently, sellers can use that label if they package meat in the country, even if the animals came from elsewhere. Since production costs are higher in the U.S., ranchers have long argued that fact undermined their ability to get fair prices. Last year, in an executive order, President Biden promised his administration would address Product of USA labeling as one piece of a larger plan to increase competition in the meat industry and level the playing field for struggling farmers and ranchers.
“Truthful labels protect consumers and keep the playing field fair,” said Joe Maxwell, president and co-founder of Farm Action, in response to the proposed rule, which will soon be open for comments before being finalized. “After a five-year fight, we’re pleased to see the USDA stepping up to stop the cheaters picking the pockets of America’s farmers and ranchers.”
Other groups including the American Grassfed Association, National Farmers Union, Consumer Reports, and the American Economic Liberties Project praised the move. But the rancher group R-CALF USA, which has been doggedly pushing for labeling, said the rule would not going far enough, because the requirements won’t be legally binding or come with enforcement.
Instead, the group wants Congress to reinstate what is called “mandatory country of origin” labeling, which would require all meat sellers to identify the country the product came from on the label. “R-CALF USA remains steadfast that only under legislative reform will effective change happen,” the group said in a press release. Meanwhile, the meat industry’s biggest trade group said the new rules would likely violate trade agreements and raise prices for consumers.
In conjunction with the release of the Product of USA rule, the USDA also released a report on consolidation in the seed industry and proposed several steps it will take to improve seed pricing, choice, and availability.
Read More:
With Their Livelihoods Under Threat, Livestock Producers Pin Their Hopes on Labeling
Just a Few Companies Control the Meat Industry. Can a New Approach to Monopolies Level the Playing Field?
Roundup Risks. Last week, researchers at U.C. Berkeley’s School of Public Health published a new study showing early childhood exposure to glyphosate is associated with a higher risk of liver inflammation and metabolic disorders in early adulthood. Data in the study came from the Center for the Health Assessment of Mothers and Children of Salinas (CHAMACOS), a project that has been tracking how pesticides impact the health of farmworker children in the Salinas Valley, the center of California’s agricultural industry, since 1999. Farmworkers bear the brunt of pesticide exposure, since they are exposed in the fields and often live near farms.
Glyphosate is the world’s most common weedkiller and is used in fields and on lawns across the country. Increasing attention to its impacts on human health over the last decade has primarily been focused on its carcinogenic potential to cause cancers like lymphoma. This is the first study to look at its impact on metabolic and liver disease, which are increasing among children and can lead to liver cancer, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease later in life.
Read More:
Inside Monsanto’s Day in Court: Scientists Weigh in on Glyphosate’s Cancer Risks
Why Aren’t Federal Agencies Enforcing Pesticide Rules That Protect Farmworkers?
Pahokee to Palm Beach. Farmworkers and allies with the Coalition for Immokalee Workers (CIW) in Florida announced that they will march across Florida for five days next week to celebrate a decade of success while also pressuring more companies to sign on to their groundbreaking Fair Food Program. “If the stark contrast between the humane conditions on Fair Food Program farms and the harsh conditions on farms beyond the Program’s protections has taught us anything, it’s that farm labor abuse is a horrible problem, but it’s a problem with a simple solution: Join the Fair Food program,” said Lucas Benitez, a Co-founder of CIW.
Created 10 years ago, the program has been credited with markedly improving conditions in agricultural fields for workers on the East Coast, including reducing the instances of sexual assault and improving wages and working conditions. Its organizers have made great strides in getting agricultural employers and policymakers to engage with their demands. Last week, CIW representative Lupe Gonzalo participated in a panel on farm labor at the USDA’s Agricultural Outlook Forum, marking the first time a farmworker was given the opportunity to speak to the exploitation they often face on farms at the agency’s most important annual gathering.
Still, some companies have refused to sign on, and the group is continuing to pressure Wendy’s, one of its longest holdouts, as well as Publix and Kroger.
Read More:
Florida’s Farmworkers Take Their Fight to Park Avenue
After #MeToo, This Group Has Nearly Erased Sexual Harassment in Farm Fields
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]]>The post Coming Soon to a Food Label Near You: ‘Bee-Friendly’ Certifications appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Far North Spirits, the northernmost farm and distillery in the contiguous United States, grows the rye for its whiskey and distills it on the farm. Just 25 miles south of Minnesota’s border with Canada, the farm’s fields of golden rye and heirloom corn are interspersed with highbush cranberry shrubs, bushy crabapple and plum trees, native grasses, and a growing number of bees, butterflies, and other pollinators.
Those plants—and the pollinators they feed—have been there since long before Far North’s owners Mike Swanson and Cheri Reese took over Swanson’s family farm and built a distillery in 2013. But this year, they decided to start making their presence known to their customers by applying for a Bee Friendly Farm designation from Pollinator Partnership, a national nonprofit dedicated to protecting and promoting pollinators and the ecosystems they rely on.
“Pollinated foods are some of our most nutrient-rich foods, some of our most colorful, and flavorful.”
For one, says Swanson, pollinators provide a lively entry point for talking with his customers about the way he and Reese run the farming part of their operation.
“Soil health, ecological diversity, sustainable ecosystems—all these things are very important to us. But I wanted a way to talk to people about what was going to be interesting to them,” he says. “When you’re talking about bees, that tends to pique people’s interest a little better. So, we’re able to talk about farming without talking about farming.”
Swanson is not alone in seeing the abundance of bees and other pollinators on his farm as a selling point, and a way to get his customers’ attention.
In fact, Americans are increasingly focused on pollinators, and they’re concerned about their well-being. In 2017, a survey found that 69 percent of respondents said they recognized pollinator populations are in decline and that number has likely grown as the news of the larger insect apocalypse—science that shows rapid decline in insect populations around the world—has been widely reported since then. In 2019, another survey found that 95 percent of respondents said they want to see designated areas where plants support pollinator health.
Pollinators are critical to food production: More than 80 percent of the world’s flowering plants—and around one third of the food crops—require a pollinator. And while it’s not clear exactly how many people are considering the plight of pollinators when buying groceries, a 2015 study found that use of the term ‘‘bee-friendly’’ had more economic value than other claims that advertised the absence of pesticides. And another study in 2018 found that consumers were willing to pay more (51 cents per dry liter) to buy blueberries and cranberries farmed in a way that supports wild pollinators.
“Pollinated foods are some of our most nutrient-rich foods, some of our most colorful, and flavorful,” says Liz Robertson, who helps oversee the Xerces Society’s Bee Better Certified, another certification farmers are now seeking out. “There are wind-pollinated crops out there, but the nutrient-rich diet really depends on these animal-pollinated crops. And just over the last several decades, and increasingly in the last couple of years, there has been this real awareness and research on the decline of insects globally.”
All these factors explain why pollinator certifications have begun to appear in a growing number of grocery stores and corporate sustainability reports. The Bee Better seal is showing up on products sold by certified farms as well as on those from companies sourcing ingredients from those farms, says Robertson. Silk, Häagen-Dazs, and Cal Giant Farms are just a few of the brands that have sported the seal so far. Meanwhile, Pollinator Partnership’s Bee Friendly logo has appeared on a signature wine from Francis Ford Coppola Winery, and may soon make its way to more packaging.
Yet while the Bee Better and Bee Friendly certifications offer up similar wordplay, and similar stated goals—both want to see more diverse and flowering forage plants on farm landscapes and less pesticide exposure for pollinators—they are markedly different in multiple ways. One is reaching a smaller number of farms with a stringent, third-party certification, while the other is aiming for much larger adoption, especially among conventional farmers, and is asking less of participating farms by design.
Taken together, however, the two certifications provide a glimpse of some of the benefits —and the limitations—of using pollinator health to gauge the overall sustainability of a farm.
The Certifications
The Bee Friendly Certification began as a local initiative in northern California’s Sonoma County that helped beekeepers find farms where it was safe to store their bees. Pollinator Partnership acquired it in 2013, but Miles Dakin, the current Bee Friendly Farming coordinator, says it wasn’t a big part of the organization’s work until around 2019, the year the Almond Board of California—the group that represent 7,600 almond farms on an estimated 1.6 million acres—reached out to the organization and initiated a partnership.
The Central Valley’s almond orchards rely heavily on millions of honeybees that are trucked in from the Midwest every spring—and many beekeepers have seen record-setting bee losses in recent years. As a result, the almond industry has moved to improve its image in the eyes of consumers.
“They really wanted to educate their growers and bring the industry in on bee-friendly practices,” says Dakin, who had studied integrated pest management (IPM) in the almond industry before taking the job.
Dakin was hired in 2020 and has been working with farms in California and across the country since, helping farmers add bee-friendly forage and habitat to their land and certifying around 250,000 acres of farmland and in the last two years. “We’re definitely expanding,” he told Civil Eats. “We have avocados, coffee, a whole bunch of different systems now certified.”
The Bee Friendly Certified program requires growers to pay $45, prove that they have forage “providing good nutrition for bees” (or are planning to plant it) on 3 percent of their land, as well as nesting habitat and water. They also must use Integrated Pest Management (IPM), a wide range of practices that can involve replacing pesticides with pheromones or simply identifying the location of pests before spraying to ensure that the application is targeted.
“We were already above and beyond the certification standards, so it wasn’t hard at all for us.”
Once they are on board, Dakin says, “every three years, the growers have to provide us with compliance documents, and we review those.” He also conducts field visits on 6 percent of the farms every year.
“We’re not a prescriptive program,” he added. “We don’t tell them what to do or how to do it. We give them the criteria, and we help them meet that criteria in the way that works for them.”
Farms that receive Xerces’ Bee Better Certification, on the other hand, are independently audited and verified by Oregon Tilth, an organic certifier that has been in business since 1975.
Even before the certification launched, the Xerces Society had been working with the agricultural industry, both directly with larger brands and their supply chains as well as through the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s (USDA) Natural Resources Conservation Service to help farmers to install pollinator habitat and engage pollinator-friendly practices such as pesticide mitigation on their farms, says Xerces’ Robertson. “The farmers who were doing the work were like, ‘How do we communicate this to consumers?’”
She adds that the certification’s parameters are grounded in peer-reviewed scientific research done by Xerces and other institutions that looks at everything from the best native plant compositions for pollinators to the impact of pesticide drift.
To date, Bee Better has certified more than 20,000 acres of farmland in the U.S., Canada, and Peru, with more applications in progress. Almonds are also a major crop for the certification, as are blueberries. Xerces is also in the process of bringing more certifiers on board so they can begin certifying farms in more countries.
In order to earn Bee Better Certification, farms must maintain pollinator habitat on at least 5 percent of the farm, and 1 percent of that habitat needs to be permanent year-round, meaning things like trees, hedgerows, and riparian corridors that include native plants. The certification also requires a “rigorous pest management strategy” that includes non-chemical practices as a first line of defense, targeted pesticide use, and limiting or eliminating the use of what Xerces calls high risk pesticide applications.
Changes on the Farm
For some farms, achieving pollinator-friendly certification is mainly a matter of documenting what’s already taking place. For instance, Klickitat Canyon Winery in Lyle, Washington, has long invested in planting native wildflowers and grasses throughout its vineyard and owner Kiva Dobson had already received organic certification prior to adding Bee Better certification to the list. “We were already above and beyond the certification standards, so it wasn’t hard at all for us,” says Dobson. Plus, “for every bottle [of wine] we sell, a percentage of that goes towards buying native plants, so [the cost] is integrated into our business model.”
Ceanothus serves as pollinator habitat on the Klickitat Canyon Winery. (Photo courtesy of Xerces Society)
But for the larger, conventional growers who sign up, pollination certification may require undertaking a paradigm shift.
Take Woolf Farming, a more than 20,000-acre, vertically integrated farming company based in Fresno, California, that grows a wide variety of crops, including massive tracts of almonds, pistachios, and canning tomatoes all over the state. Peter Allbright, the crop manager at Woolf Farming, says a business partnership spurred them to pursue Xerces’ Bee Better certification back in 2016.
“One of our almond customers is a very progressive European food company,” says Allbright. “They wanted us to look into pollinator habitat developments and that kind of thing, and they pushed us to work with the Xerces Society, so we were actually one of the first growers of theirs to be certified.”
Woolf Farming still has 3,000 Bee Better-certified almond acres, but the company has since chosen to put more than 7,000 additional acres of almonds into Pollinator Partnership’s Bee Friendly Farming program because, Allbright says, it’s much easier. Bee Better certification requires regular, multi-hour inspections that he describes as “more in-depth than an organic inspection” and maintains “a packet—a hefty list of rules.”
On top of the certification cost itself, Allbright says that planting pollinator-friendly habitat has also cost the company “well over a quarter million dollars in the last couple of years,” between buying the pants, irrigating them, and paying workers to weed them.
“Once [the habitat] gets established, it’s fine. It’s doable, but it’s extremely expensive to implement the Bee Better program,” added Allbright.
He says Pollinator Partnership’s Bee Friendly program has been much more flexible about where he can plant the additional habitat (they don’t require that it be in or near the almond orchard, for instance). And when a pest infestation looked like it could cut the almond crop on one of the farm’s properties a few years back, he says he struggled to get Xerces to make an exception that would allow him to spray approved pesticides aerially. Bee Better eventually made an exception, but he found the process frustrating. “Xerces is the gold standard. But you can’t blanket that across every acre of almonds in California,” added Allbright. “It’s not compatible. Hence, we haven’t done it on all of our acres.”
Pollinator Partnership, on the other hand, requires “minor bits of documentation to demonstrate that you’re not spraying insecticides during the almond bloom, those kinds of very common-sense things that most growers are already doing,” adds Allbright. He’s also concerned that Xerces, on the other hand, is so focused on supporting wild bumblebees and other wild pollinators that they may not always be looking out for farmers like him. As a conservation group, he added “They’re actively behind the scenes working against production agriculture.”
The fact that the organization advocated for the protection of wild bumblebees in California under the state’s Endangered Species Act—and that advocacy may have had an impact on the recent decision by the California Supreme Court to allow new protections for the pollinators—is one example that concerns Allbright. He believes the change will “severely impact almond production, because that really eliminates a lot of the tools we have for crop protection.”
However, Eric Lee-Mäder, an apple and seed crop farmer and the pollinator and agricultural biodiversity co-director at Xerces, says there’s nothing behind the scenes about the group’s work. “Xerces and other stakeholders have been open and transparent in examining the decline of California’s wild bumble bees precisely so the ag sector isn’t caught off guard. Ultimately the bees in question mostly do not even occur in agricultural areas.”
Dialing in on Pesticides
Research has found that adding habitat, cover crops, and more plant diversity overall to large monocrop operations can—over time—reduce the need for insecticides and other pesticides. And that appears to be the idea that both pollinator certifications are working with, albeit to different degrees. But asking farmers to intentionally spray fewer pesticides in the process is another thing altogether—and can be seen by growers like Allbright as an assault on their very viability.
“We don’t ban specific active ingredients in pesticides, because to us, it’s more about integrative pest management, about the mindset behind using the chemicals,” says Pollinator Partnership’s Dakin, who says IPM can greatly reduce pesticide exposure to pollinators when done right.
“The goal is still to reduce or even eliminate chemicals in general, but what we’re trying not to do is make something that’s not achievable by most of agriculture.” If you eliminate specific chemicals, he adds “it actually closes the doors for a lot of farmers.” Instead, Dakin says the organization wants to have all farmers at the table, and even some pesticide producers.
In the latest example of the latter, Pollinator Partnership is partnering with Bayer Crop Science (the company that bought Monsanto in 2016, making it the world’s largest pesticide and seed company) and other local entities in a $1.7 million project with the USDA to “improve pollinator habitat and forage across California’s agricultural landscapes.”
These kinds of partnerships are far from unusual for Pollinator Partnership, which also founded and runs the North American Pollinator Protection Campaign, a large collaborative body that includes 170 scientists, researchers, and government entities, alongside Bayer and CropLife America, a trade group that represents manufacturers of pesticides and other agricultural chemicals.
In another example, Pollinator Partnership has initiated research a few years back into the toxicity of the dust that’s released by pesticide-treated corn seeds that received funding from Bayer Crop Science, BASF, and Syngenta—the very companies that manufacture the seed-coating pesticides that cause the dust at the heart of the research.
“Having worked with many, many farmers over the years, it’s like people are on this pesticide treadmill and can’t get off; they can’t see their way out of it.”
Xerces Society has also engaged the pesticide industry in dialogue over the years. However, says Lee-Mäder: “We’ve never taken pesticide money as an organization. We never would, and we would never plant habitat or create pollinator conservation features where we feel there’s a potential risk to counteract the work we’re trying to do.”
But that doesn’t necessarily make it easier to work with farmers on pesticides. And Lee-Mäder and Robertson acknowledge that, like Allbright, not everyone they work with is eager to change their practices when it comes to pesticide use.
“We don’t always have the leverage to change pesticide practices. But it’s something that we stay pretty laser-focused on,” said Lee-Mäder. “And we constantly make that part of the dialogue with the grower. Bee Better does provide really clear sideboards on what you can and can’t do. But outside of Bee Better I think [Xerces] is constantly making judgment calls about what we’re comfortable with and what we’re not.”
Willa Childress, who leads state-to-state policy organizing work at Pesticide Action Network, compares working on pollinator habitat with large conventional farms to harm reduction, a strategy that acknowledges that making systemwide changes can be difficult, and many farmers need to be met where they’re at if they’re going to begin to change entrenched patterns and practices.
But exactly where they’re at doesn’t always allow for a shift. “Having worked with many, many farmers over the years, it’s like people are on this pesticide treadmill and can’t get off; they can’t see their way out of it,” Childress said. “And they encounter challenges even when trying to move slightly away, because they’re already bought into a system and have all their acreage in [conventional] agriculture.”
Childress says she’s seen a number of examples in the policy arena where the focus on getting more habitat in the ground is politically much more palatable than reducing pesticide use.
“We’ve seen this approach over and over again, which is to separate these different impacts that we know are contributing towards huge pollinator and other insect declines: pesticide use, lack of habitat, and disease,” says Childress. “Policymakers and different constituents have tried to pry apart the three pieces of this problem and the result is that we’ve passed lots of legislation trying to address increased habitat. And yet we haven’t seen a measurable difference in how pollinators are faring.”
The pesticide industry has such a powerful lobbying presence all around the country, says Childress, that bills calling for reduction in pesticide use rarely make it very far. “Our legislation isn’t matching up to our science, and the only reason can be corporate control of agriculture and corporate influence,” she adds.
When asked directly, Allbright said he hadn’t reduced his pesticide use at all—and it’s clear that he doesn’t see that as a goal either on the land certified by Xerces’ Bee Better nor the land certified by Pollinator Partnership’s Bee Friendly program.
For Xerces’ Robertson, the hope is to reach a productive, if sometimes challenging, middle ground. “If you look at the two ends of the spectrum, you’re going to have a certification that is so incredibly rigorous that nobody adopts it. Then you’re not moving the needle at all,” she says. “On the other side, you can have a certification that is easy and anyone can adopt it without changing their practices. So again, the needle isn’t moving. Our goal is always conservation and we’re always evaluating where we’re at and adjusting and weighing in on: Can we get farms to nudge and move the needle and adopt these practices? And are we matching with the science that says, ‘This is what has to be done to help curb the biodiversity loss we’re seeing?’”
For Far North Spirits’ Mike Swanson, even the less-stringent Bee Friendly certification is an important start—a catalyst of sorts. He has about 50 acres of land set aside through USDA’s Conservation Reserve Program—which pays farmers to give their land a rest—and he says ever since he received the pollinator-focused certification he has seen his property through fresh eyes.
Before, Swanson says, he saw that land primarily as valuable because the plants growing on it kept his soil from eroding. Now, he adds, “I see that it provides not just pollinator habitat, but wildlife, birds—of all kinds of critters like to hang out in there! And I think that’s one of the big benefits of doing a certification like this; you start to look at property as an ecosystem rather than just a property.”
The post Coming Soon to a Food Label Near You: ‘Bee-Friendly’ Certifications appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post The Field Report: Are Expiring School Meal Waivers a Looming Catastrophe? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Since March 2020, despite unprecedented labor and financial constraints, school nutrition directors have largely been able to adapt their meal programs to meet the ongoing pandemic-driven challenges of getting healthy meals to the nearly 30 million children who depend on them. They’ve been able to swap ingredients to manage shortages of certain foods; package meals and send them home when necessary; and offer free meals to all students. But none of it would have been possible without U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) waivers that were authorized by Congress—and those are now set to expire on June 30.
“All of those flexibilities, collectively, will disappear on July 1,” said Jillien Meier, director of partnerships and campaign strategies for Share Our Strength’s No Kid Hungry campaign. She worries that the shift could be, “absolutely catastrophic for schools, but even more catastrophic for kids and their families.”
With the waivers in place, schools served more than double the number of summer meals in July 2020 and 2021 compared to previous years. Share Our Strength estimates that the expiration could mean that children will miss out on 95 million meals this summer and that schools will struggle to feed children during the 2022–2023 school year. And it’s one of thousands of organizations—including the powerful School Nutrition Association—that have been pushing Congress to extend the waivers for months.
In March, Republicans prevented the provision from being included in a spending bill, and they have since (with some exceptions) opposed new measures introduced by Democrats and championed by Senator Debbie Stabenow (D-Michigan). Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack has expressed support for extending the waivers, but the USDA’s authority is constrained by Congress. “This has become a partisan issue. We are not hearing [of] any compromises,” Meier said.
While those who oppose the extensions point to the fact that children are back in school, many parents are back to work, and meal programs should be able to go back to pre-pandemic operations, Meier said that in No Kid Hungry listening sessions, school nutrition directors are reporting that in some ways, they are facing even tougher challenges compared to two years ago. While quarantines and delivery meals have ended, COVID absences have meant lower participation in meal programs, which tightens budgets. Directors still can’t find many ingredients, and deliveries are inconsistent. With inflation soaring, they’re paying significantly more for food. According to a recent report from the Food Research & Action Center, more than half of districts surveyed identified supply chain disruptions, rising food prices, and labor shortages as significant challenges during the 2021–2022 school year. “There is nothing normal about the situation they’re operating under right now,” Meier said.
As the deadline approaches, many groups are turning to state policy advocacy as a pathway to expand school meal flexibilities in the absence of federal action. California, Maine, and Vermont have already passed laws guaranteeing universal school meals, while similar bills are moving forward in New York, Colorado, Minnesota, and Massachusetts.
Meier said those efforts are commendable but in the end, state action alone will likely just result in inequality. “Particularly in the South, where hunger is most acute in rural communities of color, they’re not going to get the benefits,” she said. “That’s my biggest concern: In the places where we already had a hunger crisis pre-COVID, we’re only going to see inequities get exacerbated.”
Read More:
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A Standard for Salmon Welfare? While a wide range of animal welfare certifications exist for chickens, pigs, and cattle, fish farmed for food have not been afforded the same attention over the years. Now, Global Animal Partnership (GAP) is wading into new waters with its first certification program for farmed Atlantic salmon. GAP, which works closely with Whole Foods Market, is known for its five-step certification system that covers more than 400 million land-based farm animals around the world, from turkeys and laying hens to beef cattle and bison. It is a well-respected certification in the industry but has also been accused of “humanewashing” by some advocacy groups. The new salmon standard has three levels that include requirements such as minimum stocking density, water quality monitoring, and enrichments to the environment. In a press release, Ben Williamson, the U.S. Director of Compassion in World Farming, said, “The new GAP standards for Atlantic salmon are now the highest and most comprehensive available.”
Read More:
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Fighting for Farmworkers. To show his solidarity with immigrant farmworkers, Senator Alex Padilla (D-California) recently headed to the fields, harvesting and packing parsley and radishes alongside workers in Southern California. But the event once again resurfaced previous disagreements over immigration reform in the conversation around farm labor and justice. Padilla used the media opportunity to express his support for the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, a bill that would create a pathway to legal status for some undocumented farmworkers, expand the controversial H-2A guestworker program, and require employers to use an electronic verification system to certify immigration status. It’s supported by the United Farm Workers, who hosted Padilla in the fields, and by Farmworker Justice. But other food and farm labor groups firmly oppose the legislation, and this week, the Food Chain Worker Alliance reiterated its position on Twitter. “The Farm Workforce Modernization Act has not changed, it’s still a deportation and anti-labor bill that will hurt farmworkers for generations,” the group wrote.
Read More:
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The H-2A Guest Worker Program Has Ballooned in Size; Farmers and Workers Want it Fixed
The post The Field Report: Are Expiring School Meal Waivers a Looming Catastrophe? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post What Is the Future of Organic? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>In 2000, Matthew Fitzgerald’s family started growing organic grains on 200 acres in central Minnesota. At the time, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) had just finalized the federal organic standards and many of the surrounding farmers growing conventional commodity crops saw their system as a threat and a denigration of their own practices, he recalls.
Today, their neighbors are much more accepting. Fitzgerald and his parents have spent over 20 years building relationships in their region while a much broader cultural shift has also taken place.
In that time, Fitzgerald Organics has expanded to 2,500 acres and the family has started a consulting business to help other commodity farmers transition to organic. “Our farm has grown as the industry has grown,” Fitzgerald said.
Now, they’re transitioning another 144 acres with the help of the Perennial Fund, which is putting $10 million into expanding organic acreage and has already funded 10 farmers transitioning 5,700 acres. It’s one of a number of new efforts to increase the number of certified organic acres across the U.S. Last year, the Rodale Institute launched an initiative with Cargill, the country’s largest private agriculture company, and Bell & Evans poultry company to transition 50,000 acres of crops grown for organic animal feed. And just last week, Daily Harvest announced a partnership with American Farmland Trust and California Certified Organic Farmers (CCOF) to offer grants of up to $10,000 to more than 100 fruit and vegetable farmers looking to transition to organic.
Meanwhile, demand for organics continues to grow. The Organic Trade Association (OTA) reported that sales of certified organic products (from both food and fiber) increased a record 12.4 percent to $62 billion in 2020, and surveys show more shoppers than ever care about the environmental impact of their food choices.
The story of organics is one of a disruptive underdog industry that has been growing steadily alongside the old guard for ages and is finally approaching the mainstream. But as organic products make it into the hands of more consumers than ever before, it’s clear that the industry is also at an important inflection point and is struggling on many fronts.
While “USDA Organic” used to be the only label on the shelf that quickly communicated a promise of environmental sustainability, there are now many other certifications that serve as add-ons to that label, as well as labels offering competing benefits like low-carbon and regenerative.
In just a few years, conventional farm groups have swooped in and claimed the banner of environmentally friendly farming through “regenerative practices,” and an increasing number of private and government dollars for climate mitigation have begun flowing toward conventional farms using practices like cover crops and reduced tillage. Case in point: When Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack released a long list of climate-related actions his USDA took during its first year, the word organic did not appear once.
“We can’t say that the organic label is losing its luster because people are questioning it. They’re questioning it because they should question it.”
And while the USDA Certified Organic label is still the only one in the country that is regulated by the federal government with third-party certification, some consumers appear to have lost faith in the idea that the seal can guarantee that their food has been produced in a way that’s better for people, animals, and the planet. In November, The New Yorker published a lengthy investigation called “The Great Organic Food Fraud” that followed a Midwest grain dealer who sold a large volume of conventional grain as organic before he was caught and prosecuted. The story highlighted loopholes in organic inspection and came to conclusions such as, “there’s no way to confirm that a crop was grown organically.”
“It left the impression, almost, that the system completely failed,” said Laura Batcha, the CEO and executive director of the OTA. “The disappointment [I felt] when I read the story was really about the missed opportunity to look under the hood and do a real post-mortem on how it happened and what’s been done since then.”
Part of the reason The New Yorker and other outlets continue to publish pieces like it is the fact that some organic farmers have begun actively discrediting the USDA certification in its current state.
“We can’t say that the organic label is losing its luster because people are questioning it,” said Dave Chapman, an organic tomato farmer based in Vermont. “They’re questioning it because they should question it.”
Chapman is the executive director of the Real Organic Project (ROP), a nonprofit that offers a new, secondary organic certification to farms with practices in line with what he and others in the group see as “real” organic farming. Namely, it’s not just about the synthetic fertilizers and pesticides the farms don’t use; crops have to be grown in soil and animals have to be raised on pasture. To the farmers behind ROP, these components are the heart and soul of what organic means. They see the fact that the USDA has allowed hydroponic (soil-less) systems and large concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) to receive the certification as a betrayal of the movement. For the last two years in a row, ROP’s farms have doubled in number and the current network now includes 850 farms.
In their eyes, the root of the problem is that as organic gained market value, big companies wanted in on the profits and began finding ways to exploit the system, tilting the scales against the bulk of organic farmers, who operate small farms and prioritize biodiversity and soil health. For example, Costco and Walmart are now top sellers of organic food, and Cargill, Driscoll’s (which sells organic berries grown hydroponically), and Nutrien Ag Solutions (a major seller of chemical farm inputs) are all OTA members.
“They believe we need to build a big tent, and the bigger the tent, the [more likely it is] we’re going to change American agriculture,” Chapman said. “But I believe if you build a tent big enough for Godzilla, you’re going to change what’s happening in the tent.”
Batcha acknowledges there are disagreements among farmers, food companies, and organizations within organic, but she said it’s par for the course within a broad coalition and compares it to the way the Democratic party struggles to bring together progressives and moderates. But the differences within organic are further complicated by the fact that one of the partners in the coalition is a federal agency.
Laura Batcha of the OTA points out that organic is the only industry in which multiple stakeholders are arguing for more regulation, not less.
“From its inception, the law was so aspirational, and you’re taking these big aspirations and you’re trying to operationalize them in a partnership with the government,” Batcha said. “There’s a natural gap there.”
Despite all this, nearly everyone agrees on a few key things the USDA should do right now to ensure a brighter future for organic farmers, food sellers, and consumers. For starters, a rule that will strengthen inspections and tracking to prevent fraud is in final review at the agency. The other two rules that are most important to organic—one that closes a loophole hurting small dairy farms and another that will bring animal welfare standards in line with organic ideals—were moved forward under the Obama Administration and then stalled or withdrawn under Trump. Representatives of the National Organic Program (NOP) at the USDA told Civil Eats that both rules are “very high priorities” but would not comment on when exactly they might be finalized.
Batcha also pointed out organic is the only industry in which multiple stakeholders are arguing for more regulation, not less. In addition to pushing for rules that will make certification more rigorous, the OTA is lobbying Congress to pass a bill that would direct the USDA to act on future rulemaking more quickly and ensure certifiers are enforcing new standards consistently.
Still, policy change requires strong coalitions, and it’s unclear if this one can stick together around a common message. “With the emergence of interest in regenerative agriculture, the divisiveness within organic becomes more problematic,” said Kathleen Merrigan, who is now the executive director of the Swette Center for Sustainable Food Systems at Arizona State University and served as Deputy Secretary of Agriculture at the USDA from 2009 to 2013.
“Organic is the original climate-smart agriculture,” said Merrigan, who was also closely involved in drafting the original organic standards.
And yet, at this moment in the U.S, it’s not the climate-smart agriculture du jour. Part of the narrative gap is likely due to the organic industry’s own focus on “avoiding pesticide residue” in food as the key marketing message for years, based on survey after survey that showed people were motivated to buy organic out of concerns for the health of their families.
Whatever the reason, when the world started heating up and everyone started talking about sequestering carbon in soil, only the farmers knew that building organic matter had been a key tenet of organic farming since the get-go.
And equally important is how quickly the term regenerative was embraced in conventional agriculture, where powerful industry leaders recognized the pressure that the industry would face to reduce emissions and sequester carbon. The fact that regenerative practices like cover crops and reduced tillage can fit squarely into already established systems built around chemical inputs allows for speed and scale, and many farmers and advocates believe that those two factors are necessary to meaningfully move the needle. Some regenerative advocates also question organic farming’s ability to sequester carbon because many farmers rely on tillage to control weeds (but this effect has mainly been measured in the top layer of soil and research trials show organic soils may store carbon further down).
And so far, federal investment in climate-smart agriculture has supported the conventional regenerative track.
Secretary Vilsack has explicitly said the U.S. will not take any cues from the European Union’s plan for a more sustainable food system, which includes cutting farmers’ use of pesticides in half, reducing synthetic fertilizer use by 20 percent, and transitioning at least 25 percent of the E.U.’s farmland to organic production by 2030. The AIM for Climate initiative Vilsack launched at COP26 is so far primarily supporting industrial agriculture projects, none of which mention organic farming and at least one of which is in partnership with the pesticide industry’s trade group.
In an interview, NOP Deputy Administrator Jennifer Tucker and Senior Advisor for Organic and Emerging Markets Marni Karlin said the overall agency is committed to climate action and that “support for organic” is one of the many ways it is achieving that commitment. They also referenced additional cost-share payments for certification as an example of the kinds of support USDA is providing to organic farmers.
Karlin said one of her biggest priorities is “making sure that organic has a seat at the table in the big discussions that are happening throughout the department,” on issues like climate, equity, loan programs, and market development. At the same time, Tucker said she’s focused on both moving forward rules that are important to organic farmers and groups as well as putting “tremendous thought and resources” into improving compliance and enforcement alongside certifiers.
But neither Tucker nor Karlin could directly specify why organic had been left out of the climate initiatives outlined by Secretary Vilsack.
Way beyond the Beltway, out in the fields, some farmers are forging ahead to claim regenerative and its climate promises for organic farmers. Based in Boulder, Colorado, Mad Agriculture was created in 2018 to eliminate barriers that prevent farmers from adopting regenerative systems. The founders were on a clear climate mission, and after identifying financing as one of those barriers, they created the aforementioned Perennial Fund. Yet while their ultimate goal is to build diversified, regenerative farms, they identified organic certification as their baseline, and they’re using the bulk of the initial capital to help farmers finance the three-year organic transition period, explained Brandon Welch, the Director of Capital at Mad Agriculture. During this window, farms have to stop using synthetic chemicals but don’t yet receive higher prices for their crops.
Since such a large percentage of agriculture’s emissions come from nitrous oxide, “We wanted to focus on a form of agriculture that doesn’t use any synthetic nitrogen,” he said. Many of the farmers the group is working with, such as Matthew Fitzgerald in Minnesota, are thinking far beyond eliminating synthetics. “Our farmers are also cover cropping, they’re using a four-year [crop] rotation,” Welch said. “They also want to move away from the industrial corn and soybean system. They want to be growing other crops, they want to be growing food for people, and they want to do it in a way that’s improving soil health.”
So far, the 10 farms transitioning 5,700 acres represent half of the fund’s allocations, and Welch said he plans to distribute the other $5 million to farmers by the end of March. Eventually, Mad Agriculture’s ambition is to help transition half of the total land they’re working on to Regenerative Organic Certified (ROC), another add-on label to USDA organic (like the Real Organic Project certification) which includes stricter soil health, animal welfare, and worker rights provisions.
Buzz about ROC was bubbling up in 2019 and then seemed to quiet down for a while. But Elizabeth Whitlow, the executive director of the Regenerative Organic Alliance, which administers the certification, said the team has been making quiet progress over the last few years, just at a slightly slower pace than expected due to the pandemic. As of now, Whitlow said they have issued 45 ROC certifications to cooperatives that represent 27,000 farmers on 152,000 acres, largely in the global South.
However, Whitlow is convinced this spring is going to mark a turning point for the ROC label on farms in the U.S. Her team is bringing on five new certifiers, including CCOF, the industry leader. “We’re going to hit the ground running with them this year,” she said, explaining that many farms and wineries are waiting in the wings. Last year, Alexandre Family Farm became the first dairy in the U.S. to achieve ROC certification.
“Now it’s time to start looking outward and working on the consumer education part, and this is a really key moment for us, because there’s so much buzz about regenerative, but nobody really fully agrees on what it means,” Whitlow said. “For the Regenerative Organic Alliance, it means organic is the baseline, and you can’t be regenerative if you’re . . . still using chemicals, no matter how judiciously.”
While it’s not clear how many consumers know the difference between a label with a certification behind it and one without it, nearly everyone Civil Eats spoke to in or about the organic industry mentioned that at some point they expect that regenerative producers will eventually have to contend with the same kinds of consumer confusion and pushback that they themselves have experienced over the years.
While splashy headlines about “regenerative” can make organic seem like old news, “We’re 30 years ahead,” Batcha said. “All the other claims that have nothing behind them, nobody has any idea what they mean.”
Batcha is not alone. Many advocates feel that even if all the players rarely see eye to eye on what organic is or where it’s going, at least “the organic world has gone through establishing a clear standard and a process for inspection and certification,” said Merrigan (see more from her below).
Merrigan believes that’s a thread that has the potential to hold it all together. Plus, “Organic has always been a very divisive policy sub-sector to work in,” she added. “You have to have a steel stomach and quiet nerves to do it.”
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]]>The post Could a Rapid Test For Antibiotics Bring Transparency to the Meat Supply Chain? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Many major meat brands sell a range of products labeled antibiotic-free. And yet, sales of medically important antibiotics in the pork and beef industries have ticked up in the last two years.
“So much of what is being sold as ‘antibiotic-free’ or ‘no antibiotics ever’ is just not that,” says Bill Niman, cattle rancher and founder of the Niman Ranch brand. As he sees it, that gap between what consumers expect and what’s happening behind most farmgates—where antibiotics, which happen to speed growth, are routinely used to prevent animals from getting sick in stressful and crowded conditions—is a major cause for concern.
“We know this works, and we’re very optimistic that when we succeed and this is deployed, that change will occur.”
According to scientists, antibiotic resistance—the growing number of “superbugs” that are resistant to treatment—is “widely considered to be the next global pandemic.” And while a number of countries have successfully reduced dependence on them, the U.S. is behind the curve. For example, the U.S. cattle industry uses medically important antibiotics four to six times more intensively than four of the top livestock-producing countries in Europe, according to analysis by the Natural Resources Defense Council.
Now, Niman and FoodID, the company he co-founded, are hoping a simple test—and a resulting food label for products that pass it—will provide much-needed transparency and, as a result, force wide-scale change in the industry. Niman has been calling attention to how antibiotic use in meat production drives the public health threat for decades, and in an interview with Civil Eats, he presented FoodID as not just a company that will expose fraudulent claims and provide a marketing tool to better meat sellers, but also as a bold opportunity to transform the food system.
“We know this works, and we’re very optimistic that when we succeed and this is deployed, that change will occur,” he said.
The approach would be strikingly different from the existing efforts to curb the overuse of antibiotics in agriculture. In recent years, advocates have been pressuring fast food chains to make public sourcing commitments—just to see most of them fail to follow through on those commitments—and working to influence federal and state-level policies.
But while advocates and experts agree that any innovation that increases transparency around antibiotics’ use in farmed animals is a good thing, many are skeptical about whether the technology will move the needle on antibiotic use in a larger, more consequential way, especially since its current model relies on voluntary adoption and is likely to be utilized by companies already implementing more responsible antibiotic policies.
Bill Niman is one of the biggest names in sustainable meat. His namesake pork and beef company, Niman Ranch, is now owned by Perdue Farms; he sold another meat company, BN Ranch, to Blue Apron in 2017, and he continues to raise beef cattle on pasture in Bolinas, California.
In addition to his five decades of experience ranching, Niman was a member of the Pew Commission on Industrial Farm Animal Production, which investigated the issue of antibiotic resistance and in 2008, recommended a ban on non-therapeutic uses of antibiotics in agriculture.
In 2014, Niman met Dan Denney, a Stanford microbiologist and immunologist who had taken an interest in the many unverified claims made on food labels. “He was really astounded that there wasn’t, in this day and age, technology being applied to validating claims or data accumulated to support the guys who were doing the right thing,” Niman said. They joined forces to found FoodID and later brought on Kevin Lo, a tech executive who has worked for both Facebook and Google, as CEO. The company launched in 2020 and raised $12 million in a Series B investment round this past March.
While tests for antibiotic residue in meat already exist, FoodID’s version uses flow-through technology, the same technology used in at-home pregnancy tests, to make the process faster, cheaper, and more sensitive than ever before, Niman says. Using that tech, the company’s first application seeks to partner with companies to validate their “no antibiotics” claims, since the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) requires testing just .0025 percent of animals each year. With chicken, FoodID’s team tests multiple birds pulled from each chicken house; with cattle and pigs, they test carcasses at the slaughter facilities.
Just like in humans, antibiotics are metabolized and excreted after a certain amount of time, and while different drugs stay in different tissue types for various lengths of time, Lo explained by email that FoodID’s test is sensitive enough to detect whether the animal was ever administered antibiotics within its lifetime.
“We are validating whether the animal has been administered antibiotics and not whether there is residue in the meat,” Lo said. “If an antibiotic is detected, it means that drugs were present. It’s like human drug testing at the Olympics.”
Keeve Nachman, the director of the Food Production and Public Health Program at Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future, is an expert on industrial agriculture’s public health impacts and has worked on studies that tested feather meal and supermarket meat for antibiotic residues in the past. He said that depletion in tissues does matter, and that it would be impossible for him to evaluate whether FoodID’s test could do what the company says it does without seeing data from their verification processes. A spokesperson for the company told Civil Eats that “data from FoodID’s technology is under USDA review to inform label approvals,” and is therefore confidential.
“We’ve tested tens of thousands of animals and have proven the ability to test, and now it’s just a matter of it being deployed in the best possible ways,” Niman said.
The most obvious application of FoodID’s test is to hold sellers that say they are removing antibiotics from their supply chain accountable.
Currently, FoodID tests for seven drug families, chosen because they represent the most common drugs used in animal agriculture. Tetracyclines, for example, are used widely in both beef and pork production, and tylosin, used in cattle, is a macrolide. Niman said providing information on families of drugs tested rather than individual drugs kept the information simple for companies and consumers, but Steve Roach, senior analyst for Keep Antibiotics Working and the Safe and Healthy Food Program director at Food Animal Concerns Trust, said he thought a limitation of the report was that it didn’t give more detailed information on individual antibiotics.
On the flipside, Roach thought the fact that the panel also tested for beta-agonists—which are not antibiotics but are also given to cattle and other farmed animals in feed—would be helpful to raise awareness of the fact that those drugs are routinely administered purely for faster growth.
FoodID in the Future
In October, FoodID employees ran tests on liver, kidney, and muscle tissue from 13 chickens raised by Arkansas farmers in the supplier network for Cooks Venture, a relatively new company that works with farmers to raise slower-growing chickens outdoors.
Just like in the more than 700 previous tests they’d performed on the company’s birds since March 2020, they found no trace of antibiotics.
Soon, all of that information will be available to Cooks Venture’s customers through a scannable QR code on the packaging, backing up its stated commitment to use “no antibiotics ever.”
The most obvious application of FoodID’s test is to hold sellers that say they are removing antibiotics from their supply chain accountable. “As long as companies are making ‘raised without antibiotics’ commitments . . . it’s really good to have people making sure that they’re actually fulfilling those,” Roach said.
In chicken, several of the biggest poultry companies, including Perdue and Tyson, fall into that category. The latter came under fire at one point for injecting eggs with an antibiotic while making “raised without” claims.
In cattle especially, Niman sees FoodID’s technology as critical for catching cheaters, since most cattle moves from cow-calf operations to feedlots and then on to meat processing businesses, making the practices along the way difficult to trace.
But questions remain as to why a company would choose to pay to test their meat when they can make (or not make) claims without doing so. Niman and Matt Wadiak, the founder and CEO of Cooks Venture, are both banking on peer pressure, for starters. “The bottom line is the industry has to move to science to represent claims, and just simply saying something is no longer enough,” said Wadiak. “The whole world knows at this point that any affidavit-based systems can be abused.”
While the routine use of antibiotics in pork and beef production hasn’t fallen dramatically the way it has in chicken in response to consumer pressure, Wadiak says all kinds of claims—including natural, grass-fed, and antibiotic-free—are being made on every cut of meat at stores like Walmart. “It’s become mainstream,” he said. “That’s the indicator; they wouldn’t sell it if they didn’t think it was important to people.”
“Eventually this will be in the consumers’ hands, and industry will have to come to grips with that.”
Companies like Cooks Venture, which have been committed to raising animals without antibiotics from the start, are out in front, but it’s hard to imagine a company that is actively cheating signing up. At Hopkins, Nachman said FoodID seemed like a tool with lots of regulatory potential, but outside of that context, he wondered what the added value for consumers would be.
“What impact will a label like this have on consumer decision making, if the company already could make a claim that it never used antibiotics?” he said. “Now, there’s a verification by a company that’s working closely with the company selling the product; will it make consumers feel any more confident? Maybe some . . . but I wonder if the juice is worth the squeeze.”
But Niman sees potential in the tool beyond its elective use, especially if in the future FoodID makes its technology more widely available to consumer watchdogs, who could choose to test meat from a number of large companies as a way to pressure them to acknowledge, and ultimately change, their practices.
Niman points to the European Union, where a number of nations have undergone major efforts to significantly cut down on the use of antibiotics in livestock in recent years. “In the E.U., when they outlawed the use of antibiotics to promote growth . . . at first they had a lot of sick animals and then they realized they had to make husbandry changes—to provide more space, better ventilation, deep bedding instead of [having the animals] standing in their liquified manure . . . and all of those changes ended up being better for the animals, community, and the environment,” he says.
Niman also argues that while making those changes will require initial investments from companies and consumers, he’s optimistic that leveling the playing field, and removing the markup on antibiotic-free products, “can actually reduce the price as opposed to just appealing to an elitist customer base. If everyone has the same methodology they’re going to find ways to make it more efficient,” he says.
If the data from FOOD ID’s initial work passes muster, Niman is also looking toward future iterations of the technology that will have broader applications, and therefore, implications. “My vision is . . . a whole family of tests on a pegboard at the checkout counter at your local market and you can test for: Is this really GMO-free? Is it grass-fed beef? Is it farm-raised fish? And you can know quickly and easily when you get home or in your car,” he said. “Eventually this will be in the consumers’ hands, and industry will have to come to grips with that.”
Twilight Greenaway contributed reporting.
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]]>The post Cocktail Historian Shanna Farrell on Why the Spirits Industry Needs a ‘Grain to Glass’ Revolution appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Farm to table has become a guiding principle in many corners of the food and wine worlds. But spirits—everything from whiskey to vodka to liqueurs—remain a monument to a broken food system, says Shanna Farrell, author of A Good Drink: In Pursuit of Sustainable Spirits, released in September.
Distillers are wholly disconnected from the farms that grow their ingredients—many even build their products from pre-made base spirits purchased from mass producers such as Midwest Grain Products of Indiana. Even iconic brands full of artificial ingredients like Campari and Aperol are mainstays behind the bar of restaurants that would never serve the equivalent on the plate.
The spirits industry is finally beginning to grapple with the concept of sustainability, says Farrell, a historian and interviewer at the University of California at Berkeley’s Oral History Center who specializes in cocktail and food culture and history. Efforts such as the Environmental Sustainability Working Group established in 2020 by the Distilled Spirits Council are bringing greater awareness to the ecological impact of spirits production and encouraging major players like Bacardi, Moët Hennessy, Rémy Cointreau, and Pernod Ricard to embrace innovations in energy and water use, packaging, and transportation.
Improving the sustainability of industry heavyweights with large, loyal followings, however, moves slowly. By comparison, nimble, small-scale craft distilleries have more flexibility to reduce their carbon footprint, improve the quality and taste of their spirits with family-farmed and heirloom ingredients, and rethink how their products reach consumers. Their efforts are gaining support from small spirits organizations such as the Tin Roof Drink Community and Tales of the Cocktail Foundation, which are working not just to build a greater sense of community among distilleries embracing sustainable practices but to also influence other spirits producers to do the same. The movement gradually gains momentum each year.
In her book, Farrell outlines some of the most innovative distilleries in operation, including South Carolina’s High Wire Distilling, which produces bourbon using locally grown heirloom corn, and Colorado’s Leopold Bros., where everything down to the on-site malting floor and outdoor landscaping was designed by its environmental engineer co-owner.
Civil Eats spoke with her about why distilleries are so disconnected from the farmers that produce their ingredients and how the spirits industry is slowly rolling toward a grain-to-glass spirits revolution.
Distilleries make spirits with agricultural products, but most aren’t using local or sustainably ingredients. Why?
I think there are a few reasons. There’s a disconnect between where we’re getting the ingredients for spirits, because often they are commodity crops [like corn and wheat] that we can’t see grown. There’s not really a direct relationship between distillers and farms. And because of the way spirits are regulated, distillers don’t legally have to list ingredients on their bottles. Food is regulated by the FDA (Food and Drug Administration), and spirits are regulated by the Tax and Trade Bureau (TTB). We’re not looking at a bottle of alcohol and generally thinking the same things as if we were looking at a box of pasta or sauce.
So even though spirits contain agricultural products and are consumed by drinkers, they are not considered food? Why, then, does the FDA regulate drinks like soda or juice but not spirits?
It goes back to before Prohibition to the Whiskey Rebellion [in the 1790s], which happened because there was a lot of whiskey being sold, but the government was upset it wasn’t getting the taxes. Even before Prohibition, alcohol was regulated [and taxed] by the federal government [through the TTB]. If alcohol is high enough proof, it can be sterile, so people aren’t as worried about getting sick the same way they might be about food being produced in a factory. Spirits are subject to the FDA’s Generally Recognized As Safe (GRAS) list, but they are not considered food, so there’s less of an interest in having them regulated by the FDA.
Do you think there’s a moral component to it?
Yes. The TTB regulates tobacco, alcohol, and firearms—things that have negative connotations. I think the moral component that came out of Prohibition is certainly part of it.
You note in your book that high-end bars and restaurants that would never put processed or artificial ingredients on a plate will pour mass-produced alcohol. Does this boil down to a lack of awareness about the ingredients or the absence of alternatives?
It’s a little bit of both. There are definitely some great alternatives on the market, but people don’t know because of the lack of ingredient lists on their bottles. You might not know that there’s red dye 40 in there. You might not know that there’s high fructose corn syrup. It falls to the bar operator to be aware of it and to provide alternatives, but these are just not conversations that are happening in the spirits industry. There’s a lot of money that comes from spirits companies—it’s a huge industry—so often there’s incentive for people to carry a product because they’re getting other perks from a company.
You write that almost all corn-based spirits come from the commodity crop yellow dent field corn. Why are spirits so dependent on industrialized farming?
Yellow dent field corn is really consistent, it’s really resilient, and it has a high enough sugar content to be able to make alcohol. With a commodity crop, you’ll get a steady supply year after year. When you’re using landrace or heirloom varietals of corn for your whiskey, it’s way less consistent, and you are at the mercy of your environment, the weather, [and] whatever’s happening that year.
At High Wire Distilling, [which uses heirloom Jimmy red corn], there have been a couple of years where they don’t really know what kind of crop they’re going to get because it has flooded or there’s been a massive hurricane. It’s hard to bet on something, especially when you’re financially dependent on it.
I was stunned to read that a number of distilleries don’t distill their own corn—they buy a mass-produced base from a larger distributor. Why?
A bunch of distilleries source their base spirit from a giant distillery like Midwest Grain Producers (MGP), and they just age it themselves. There are over 50 whiskey companies that source from there now. That’s a way to get a product to market really fast without having to distill something and then sit on it for two years; they can make money right away. Some new distilleries source from a place like MGP while they are aging their own distilled spirits. Or a lot of people do it if they don’t have the equipment.
Isn’t that just creating the same product with different labels on it?
I think so. That’s one of my big issues with the way that people talk about whiskey, which I think perpetuates the problem. It’s such a common practice where distilleries talk about the type of wood that’s in the barrel to age it or they talk about the weather while it’s being aged. Even the distilleries that distill their own stuff and are using yellow dent field corn. It’s the same corn that everyone else is using, so how do you differentiate? That’s why the dominant narrative has been more about aging and wood instead of the raw ingredients.
What is the difference between the distilleries that use industrialized ingredients and those that are “grain-to-glass” like St. George Spirits in California and Montanya Distillers in Colorado?
They know exactly where their base ingredients are coming from [and how they are grown]. It all comes back to the land. The questions that distillers should ask when sourcing ingredients are different for each category of spirit. What qualifies corn as sustainable isn’t the same as what makes an agave or sugarcane crop sustainable. That being said, a distiller should look for transparency from a farm. Do they practice organic farming? In some cases, it may take years for a farm to convert to organic from conventional. Is it possible to rotate their crops? Are there other crops grown on the farm? Do they irrigate?
If a farm isn’t willing to share that information, it’s hard for a distiller to make an informed choice. But if a distiller and a grower can build a trusting relationship and have open communication, they can work together to create a system that works for both the farm and the distillery. Grain-to-glass also means not putting additives and things like that in, and if you do, disclosing that so people know. Transparency is important.
How does the cost of operating a grain-to-glass and/or sustainable distillery compare to more traditional distilleries of the same size?
Though I didn’t have explicit conversations about cost, it’s reflected in their retail price. It may cost more to source heirloom ingredients that were grown in an eco-conscious way, so the price accounts for this. My feeling is that it’s similar to slow food—high-quality ingredients are more expensive than commodity crops. There are ways to cut costs and be environmentally friendly like using solar power, sourcing local ingredients, or working directly with a farm, but it’s going to be different for each distillery.
What are some other ways that distilleries are decreasing their environmental impact?
Leopold Bros. [in Denver] is a fascinating example. I have no hesitation about saying that it is the most environmentally advanced distillery in the country, if not the world. It’s a small family distillery run by two brothers: Todd, who is the distiller, and Scott, who is an environmental engineer. Scott designed the distillery, and every single component is in service of efficiency. They’re trying to be as efficient with their water use as possible, down to the type of native grass and plants they’ve planted all around the distillery. They use natural disinfectants on their wood fermentation tanks and solar power.
They grow and malt their own barley as well. They use the malt for their whiskey and vodka, and they use that vodka as the base for their gin and liqueurs, so they’re also trying to create less waste that way. They practice wild yeast fermentation. They have the windows open with fans that pull the pollen and wild yeast from the flora outside the distillery over the fermentation tanks. Everything goes back to a sense of place and it being in Colorado.
Distilleries aren’t required to be transparent about their ingredients and environmental practices. Is there a resource to help consumers determine which are grain-to-glass and which use commodity crops and artificial ingredients?
I don’t think so. There are things like carbon footprint generators for cocktails, but there’s really no list. You can find ingredients lists [online] but you have to work for it. It’s hard to make an informed choice. But I feel hopeful. More and more people are thinking about and doing these things. As people experience climate change on a daily basis, these issues are only becoming more important and there’s less resistance.
The first step is to make a mental switch to think about the environmental side of spirits, and then have a conversation. Go to a liquor store and say, “Hey, do you have any products that are made with locally sourced New York state grain?” That’s the place where the consumer can ask questions. I would also expect to pay more per bottle for a spirit that is made in an eco-friendly way than something that is mass produced, like we do with food. Being willing to adjust your habits a little bit goes a long way.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
The post Cocktail Historian Shanna Farrell on Why the Spirits Industry Needs a ‘Grain to Glass’ Revolution appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>The post What the Meat Industry Can Learn from the Downfall of Belcampo appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Belcampo did it all. The nine-year old company raised livestock on pasture on its 27,000 acre farm in northern California, slaughtered animals in its own processing facility, and sold the meat in its own high-end butcher shops and restaurants in the Bay Area, Los Angeles, and for a time, New York City. Belcampo also shipped meat around the country to customers willing to pay the hefty per-pound price (a 2.5 pound package of ribeyes sold online for $119.99 or almost $48 a pound, before shipping)—all in the name of good land and animal stewardship.
Then, last summer, the company was accused by former and current employees of selling meat brought in from elsewhere and sold as their own. Employees alleged that beef from Tasmania and Mary’s chicken were unloaded into the case and labeled as Belcampo meat; other former employees reported similar scenarios in different shops. After a short internal investigation, the company admitted that a small amount of meat had in fact been sold this way at their stores. Belcampo’s vertical integration from farm to fork, marketed as the key to total transparency, was in fact opaque.
Then, in mid-October, the company abruptly announced the closure of their e-commerce, restaurants, and retail shops. It’s not clear how the meat-labeling scandal impacted the company’s bottom line or whether the business was already in trouble. But as someone who raises grass finished beef and recently wrote a book about the challenges of making a profit farming, it strikes me that the demise of Belcampo offers an important moment for reflection on the industry at large.
Doug Stonebreaker, the founder and former CEO of Prather Ranch Meat Company (PRMC), another 30,000-acre operation in Northern California, has spent a lot of time thinking about what it will take to get more consumers eating beef from animals raised on pasture, at a time when the vast majority are not.
On a recent phone call, Stonebreaker was sanguine about the lessons Belcampo has to teach the rest of us in the industry. “Instead of saying, ‘That model can’t work,’” he said, “we should look at what mistakes might have been made and keep forging ahead.”
The Belcampo model tried to overcome one of the most basic laws of raising animals entirely on grass: it is a slow and unpredictable business. Although almost all beef cattle are raised on grass for the first six to nine months, most are then taken to feedlots, where they eat grain—predominantly corn and soy—that fattens them up in 16-18 months.
In a pasture-based system, however, you cannot finish cattle quickly (it takes 24 to 30 months), and there is no way to raise livestock in mass quantities. Plus, on pasture, each animal needs far more space than they do when they are standing around in a feedlot, and even with the 27,000 acres Belcampo had, there are only so many animals one could raise and herds one could manage. And, depending on the rain (which falls sparingly in California), the health of your soil, and the variety of plants you have in your pasture, the speed at which the animals grow is largely up to Mother Nature.
Which all speaks to the unpredictability of getting food from field to plate. Although you might not know it by looking at the meat case at your local grocery store, everything has a season, and unless a ranch freezes and stores its cuts (which also has high costs and challenges), it is impossible to have every cut of every animal available for consumers at every moment. Chickens can’t be pastured in cold winter months, and California’s increasingly dry summers mean that cattle there don’t reach their target weight in June, July, August, or September (unless farms irrigate, using precious groundwater to grow grass).
Consumers are fickle, too, wanting steaks in the summer for BBQs and roasts for winter stews, making it a logistical challenge for ranches trying to sell fresh meat and make the most of every whole animal.
Yet even with these limitations, Belcampo attempted to service not one, but five (and at times more) restaurants with static menus that served traditional foods like sirloin steaks and chicken breasts.
“I just don’t see any way that I could manage my inventory in a way that would make that work,” Will Harris of White Oak Pastures recently told me on the phone. Harris’ farm, which is about one-tenth the size of Belcampo’s California operation at 3,200 acres, but raises roughly the same number of animals due to the higher annual rainfall and lush foliage in the South. White Oak also raises food for their restaurant in the small town of Bluffton, Georgia, and for an on-farm store. “But for us, those operations are in service of the farm, not the other way around,” Jenni Harris, Will’s daughter and White Oak Pastures’ marketing manager, added.
Think about it this way. Each 1,200-pound cow only has only about 16 pounds of tenderloin. That means that in order to serve 100 people an eight-ounce tenderloin steak, you would need to have four whole animals processed. But that would also yield an additional 1,896 pounds* of beef—meat that the ranch and restaurant must sell in order to stay afloat financially and live up to the moral obligation to utilize the whole animal to the best of their ability.
“You have to be processing what you’re raising, and marketing what you’re processing, otherwise you end up with a million dollars of ground beef in the freezer,” Will Harris explained.
“At our restaurant,” Jenni Harris added, “if we have too many beef cheeks—guess what’s for lunch at the restaurant?”
It is a massive inventory challenge to balance what a farm has in stock with what is being served at a restaurant, and to maintain the flexibility to adjust prices and menu items as necessary. Letting the farm dictate what will be for sale in the restaurant and finding ways to utilize unsold items in the kitchen can help an overall profitability.
Belcampo tried to take two of the lowest-margin, highest-risk professions—farming and restaurant ownership—and make them profitable. The thinking was that by doing everything internally, it would remove the middlemen, processors, and distributors, thereby avoiding the mark up that comes with each hand-off up the food chain.
Today, farmers make 14 cents on every dollar spent at the grocery store—the brands, processors, and retailers pocket the rest. A well-run, vertically integrated business (the theory goes) keeps more of that money and makes low-margin businesses more profitable.
Notably, most of the huge agribusinesses that dominate the beef, chicken, and hog markets own very little in the way of land or animals. Instead, companies like Tyson—which, according to its website, produces 20 percent of the beef, pork, and chicken in the United States—contract with farms and feedlots, thereby avoiding the cash—and the risk—involved in owning land, buildings, and confinement facilities. And with a state-of-the-art, 2,499-hog “space” confinement barn costing upwards of $750,000, owning enough animals to slaughter 461,000 hogs a week (the amount Tyson can process) is prohibitively expensive.
It is impossible to know whether vertical integration did, in fact, mean that Belcampo came closer to making a profit than most farms do. In 2020, the median income for America’s two million farms was -$1,248—a more than $1,200 loss. But even with steaks at $47 a pound, farming is expensive business and Belcampo’s high monthly costs in real estate and labor may have detracted from their ability to make a net profit.
Yet the company also marketed their ownership of every part of the food chain as the reason customers could trust that they did everything right; the company’s motto was, “Meat you can trust, from start to finish.” Betraying that trust and getting caught misleading consumers almost certainly hurt the company, but it has also had a negative impact on all of us raising animals on pasture. Reverberations throughout the “pasture-raised” community were felt, even on farms that have worked for decades to build relationships with consumers.
“It is just one more layer of skepticism, and we don’t need that,” Will Harris told me.
White Oak Pastures works to combat “greenwashing” by inviting people to stay on the farm and visitors can peek into every part of their supply chain; you can walk into their freezers and watch slaughter if you so desire, the Harrises told me. But for smaller farms, like one I run with my husband, those extra steps aren’t possible. We’re hoping to increase our direct sales (particularly now, when consumers have more interest in buying locally), but there is no extra cash to build housing for customers to visit with our cows, and buying our own processing facility is cost-prohibitive. Add to that the fact that insurance for farm tours and pizza nights is virtually nonexistent in the state of Iowa. In other words, consumer word of mouth and trust in our practices is all we have.
There are also ethical considerations when it comes to the vertical integration. Having a single person or company owning all parts of the supply chain means the continued ownership and consolidation of land and property by the wealthy.
In Belcampo’s case, investment came from Todd Robinson, a retired financial executive who had been buying farmland in Northern California with the idea of raising grass-fed beef.
Currently, 98 percent of land in the U.S. is owned by white people, who also make up 96 percent of all landowners. And, as an increasing number of acres are farmed by larger operations, small and mid-sized independent farms and ranchers are producing less of the overall food in this country than ever before, and making less of the profit.
When one person owns everything, there is a missed opportunity to involve hundreds of thousands of farmers who might want to play a part in changing the food system and benefit financially from doing so.
Rather than investing in land, buildings, and restaurants, all the money invested into Belcampo (an estimated $50 million, although that number seems low for owning so much real estate) could have been used to help farmers already using regenerative practices to scale up, said Doug Stonebreaker. “If your goal is to change the system and build and support communities, with capital you can control the structure of the business instead of necessarily owning land. There are many farmers and ranchers who are totally committed that need capital, those ready to bleed to death trying to make it all work.”
Stonebreaker also sees opportunities for capital investments to help farmers transition row crop farming in the Midwest to grass-based, pasture models, thereby increasing the number of acres in regenerative agriculture. A central company could be used to process and sell the niche-market beef, increasing the prices farmers are paid for their cattle.
“You’d need a crazy balance of entrepreneurship and leadership, coupled with structure and discipline. There would need to be a lot of rules and there can’t be too much ego involved,” Stonebreaker added. “But you could pull it off.”
Larger companies like Belcampo may help to drive interest in and demand for pasture- raised livestock with sizable advertising budgets and frequent media mentions. But diversifying the ownership in addition to the diversity of plants and animals may have been what was missing. As Nobel Prize winner Elenor Ostrom found in her research about shared community resources, working together benefits not only the humans, but also the environment.
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]]>The post Fast Food and Grocery Giants Promise to Sell ‘Better’ Chicken—Is It Enough? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>This summer, it seemed like things might be looking up for the more than 9 billion chickens that get fattened up quickly inside crowded barns before being processed into fried chicken sandwiches and crispy wings in the U.S. each year.
Animal welfare organization the Humane League announced that in August alone, four grocery chains—Sprouts Farmers Market, Kroger, Natural Grocers, and Giant Eagle—had signed on to the Better Chicken Commitment (BCC), a pledge to adopt a set of standards meant to improve the lives of the animals raised for meat sold in their stores.
In the same month, the animal advocacy group Compassion in World Farming (CIWF) formed a working group with seven large food sellers, including Shake Shack, Target, and Aramark, to help the businesses work toward adopting the same standards within the next few years. And the Global Animal Partnership (GAP) released the preliminary results of a study that is being used to create a new protocol for its certification (which is one component of the BCC) requiring slower-growing breeds with better welfare outcomes.
That development was particularly significant, because hybrid birds developed in the late 20th century have been bred to grow to double the market weight in half the amount of time compared to chickens raised in the 1930s. That fast growth, coupled with an emphasis on large breasts, can make the birds unhealthy and limit their mobility; animal advocates have long noted that shifting to different breeds would be the most foundational change for improving welfare in the industry.
While iterations of the BCC have existed for several years, this new momentum brings the usual questions: Do the standards it asks of companies represent meaningful change? Will fast food and grocery corporations honor their commitments—or will they kick the can down the road in the hope that public attention will shift before their commitments come due?
“Do I think it’s meaningful? Yes. Do I think it’s enough? Absolutely not,” said Delcianna Winders, director of the Animal Law program at Vermont Law School. “This is not anything that is going to actually ensure good welfare for these animals, but there is such an utter lack of legal requirements and such horrific treatment that this will bring the minimum floor up a little bit.”
The animal advocates who have been working to convince food service executives to sign on to the agreement see even small changes within the industrial system as a win, as they say those tweaks alleviate the suffering of so many animals. Others pushing for changes to chicken farming believe the focus should be on changing those systems entirely, with a recognition of animal welfare as one piece of a broader puzzle that also encompasses environmental justice concerns and climate impact.
Over the past 50 years, in addition to breeding chickens for lightning-fast growth and feed efficiency, the poultry industry has begun raising them in more concentrated ways on larger farms and sped up processing to produce as much chicken as possible at lower and lower prices. As a result, Americans now eat more chicken than any other meat (or fish). While per-capita red meat consumption has fallen compared to highs in the 1970s, the average American now eats 97 pounds of chicken per year, about two and a half times the rate in 1970.
Changes associated with the industrializing and scaling up of production have had significant negative impacts on the environment, surrounding communities, and the chickens themselves. In response, a group of animal welfare organizations with slightly differing goals began working together in 2014 to put pressure on food companies to improve the welfare of the chickens in their supply chains. According to Jeff Doyle, the U.S. head of food business at CIWF, the groups realized that their organizations were approaching corporations with a wide array of demands, and some were counterproductive.
“What we really wanted to do was try to align behind an agreed-upon set of criteria . . . so that when we go to companies, they’re not hearing 10 different things from 10 different groups,” explained Doyle. “We were trying to be proactive and to draw lines where we think there are some changes needed, but [in ways] that are still economically viable for these companies.”
In 2019, the groups finalized the BCC around five basic criteria. By 2024, the signing companies would have to require their chicken suppliers to prohibit cages and give birds slightly more space than the industry standard, provide “enrichments” for the birds including litter and lighting improvements, switch to a slaughter system called controlled atmosphere stunning (CAS), and conduct third-party auditing to show they were meeting all the requirements. By 2026, they would also have to switch to slower growing, more humane chicken breeds.
The BCC also offers a kind of shortcut version of the standards in which companies can choose GAP certification (at any level), which already meets, and in many cases exceeds, the requirements.
To date, about 200 companies have adopted versions of the commitment, including major fast-food chains such as Burger King and Popeyes. But unlike certifications operated by a single organization or a government agency, the BCC is not overseen by any one governing body. Different groups secure commitments from companies independently, and how those companies “commit” varies, making it difficult for a consumer to know what it really means when a grocer declares they’ve signed on.
For example, the four supermarkets that the Humane League announced came on board in August actually agreed to apply the standards only to specific brands to varying degrees and along different timelines. Sprouts said it would commit to enrichments by 2024, more space by 2025, and CAS by 2026, but it made no solid promise to adopt slower-growing breeds. Kroger also left breeds out of its commitment and promised only to have 50 percent of the chicken for its Simple Truth Natural and Simple Truth Organic brands compliant on the other factors by 2024.
“What we’re asking is to raise the baseline . . . and the criteria is based around what can make the most impact now,” said Vicky Bond, a veterinarian and animal welfare specialist at the Humane League. Bond said changing processing systems that are stressful for chickens and sometimes result in the animals being conscious at the time of slaughter is key. “[CAS] is overall a much better and more reliable system for more humane slaughter,” she said.
Bruce Stewart-Brown is the senior vice president of technical services and innovation at Perdue, one of the main suppliers for companies looking to adopt the BCC. He agreed that CAS is a more humane system for processing for multiple reasons but said it’s also the biggest barrier to a greater percentage of the company’s chicken supply meeting the standards.
“It’s expensive, and there is a limitation on the number of systems that can [be installed at processing plants] in any given year. There are maybe three different companies making CAS systems,” said Stewart-Brown. Currently, he added, only 10 percent of Perdue’s chicken supply comes from birds slaughtered using CAS.
The other component that would represent a significant change for industrial chicken producers is the gradual move away from fast-growing breeds. Fast growth and enlarged breasts in today’s commercial chickens are linked to decreased mobility, skeletal abnormalities, skin lesions, and higher mortality rates. But animal welfare advocates don’t necessarily agree among themselves as to what constitutes a “higher welfare” breed.
Farm Forward and associated farmer Frank Reese advocate for turning back the clock to before the industry began using hybrid breeding techniques altogether. They believe that standard bred and heritage chickens, which live active lives outdoors and reach a smaller market weight over about 16 weeks, compared to the commercial industry average of six to seven weeks, should be the baseline all breeds are compared to.
“We must eliminate hybrid genetics that cause animals to grow too big too quickly or lay too many eggs, in favor of animals bred in accordance with Dr. Bernard Rollin’s Principle of Conservation of Welfare: newer breeds should have at least the same level of welfare as previous breeds,” Farm Forward executive director Andrew deCoriolis wrote in a 2020 blog post. “Until industry takes these steps, Farm Forward calls upon people to divest from this corrupt industry by refusing to buy its products.”
But heritage chickens are expensive to produce and are raised on pasture in non-industrial systems, and the groups aligned with the BCC believe advocates should try to introduce improvements that the dominant system will be willing to adopt.
GAP’s five-tier certification system already includes requirements related to space and enrichments for chickens at every level, but in the past only required slower-growing breeds at top tiers, in pastured systems. Over the last five years, it has been working to update the standards to include slower-growing breeds across the board.
“It became very apparent that while there were bits and pieces of science out there, putting all of the bits together was going to be really difficult,” said Anne Malleau, GAP’s executive director.
To get clearer answers, the organization funded a study at the University of Guelph in Ontario in which researchers compared 16 different breeds with varying growth rates on outcomes including mobility, physiology, and mortality. GAP then assembled a multidisciplinary technical working group to develop a high-welfare breed protocol using the results of the study. “Our first list will be breeds from the study,” she explained, and then companies and producers that want their breeds approved for use in GAP-certified systems will be able to apply for their breed to be evaluated using the new protocol.
GAP-certified breeds will then be eligible for use by companies that have signed on to the Better Chicken Commitment, and the commitment gives them until 2026 to do it, since the industry is now set up for only fast-growing breeds and the process of creating enough stock of the higher welfare breeds will take time. At Perdue, animal scientists have been doing their own research on slower-growing breeds in an effort to prepare. Stewart-Brown said that they were working to answer several questions, such as whether the birds would do better with different feed and need more or less overall, how customers will react to differences in the meat, and how to fairly compensate growers who would have to switch from producing around five flocks a year to three and a half.
The economic concerns for farmers are significant—particularly in an industry that has long faced tight margins and restrictive contracts that benefit the companies at the expense of farmers. Raising fewer birds in the same barns would typically mean lower compensation, but Stewart-Brown said Perdue is paying growers more per pound for birds raised to meet the Better Chicken Commitment standards. (The company did not provide an exact number, but a spokesperson said that if Perdue places less chickens than “normal” with a farmer to allow for more space, “we figure out what the ‘loss’ to their regular income would be and pay extra; what we call ‘space pay.’”)
Perdue has been working to improve the animal welfare in its operations for about a decade, as a result of pressure from advocacy groups, Stewart-Brown said. Today, Perdue says 40 percent of its farms now meet the requirements for more space (6 pounds per square foot) and 26 percent include enrichments that are required by the standards.
Stewart-Brown noted that the company is paying for these upgrades, although in the past, poultry companies have typically foisted those costs onto contract farmers. For instance, over the past 10 years Perdue increased the number of barns with windows from 11 percent to 52 percent in conjunction with animal welfare groups’ input. While the company said it would pay for those changes, records provided to Civil Eats show some contract growers were required to pay the company back through significant reductions in their income over time. In response, Stewart-Brown said those contracts were being misinterpreted and that the company pays the cost upfront and then initiates a process of “turning over ownership” that includes extra pay to cover the installments farmers pay and only fully shifts the cost of the windows onto farmers if they choose to leave Perdue within three years of the installation.
Regardless of who pays for upgrades, when leading poultry companies point to incremental improvements like these as success stories, critics argue that programs like the BCC amount to little more than window dressing, since most chickens still spend their lives inside in an unnatural environment, contract farmers still struggle to stay afloat, and the other impacts of industrial chicken production on surrounding communities remain.
Groups like Farm Forward have accused animal welfare groups that call for small changes to industrial systems of “humanewashing,” and have been critical of GAP’s higher-welfare breed project. But while the BCC is narrow in scope, Chloe Waterman, senior program manager of Friends of the Earth’s Climate-Friendly Food program, said some of its components could have broader impacts. “Insofar as it also helps to contribute to reducing stocking densities, that’s where you start to see some of the environmental benefits as well, because part of what makes any confined animal production so harmful for the environment is … the concentration of waste,” she said.
As an incremental step, Waterman said she saw the commitment as meaningful, but in the context of larger food system transformation to address the urgency of climate change, much bigger changes to chicken are needed.
“We are still consuming an unsustainable amount of chicken, so we think the Better Chicken Commitment . . . needs to be paired with a ‘Less Chicken Commitment.’”
And the question arises as to the value of a corporate “commitments” more broadly. On one hand, food companies regularly vow to end practices like deforestation and antibiotic use in beef and then make little progress on actually doing so. However, in poultry, corporate commitments have contributed to a massive movement away from the use of medically important antibiotics. And while cage-free egg commitments have not been as universally successful, they have still led to a significant shift.
“We are seeing a huge rise in cage-free production now compared to when that advocacy started,” Waterman said. “I think what helped is the way in which these corporate commitments have worked in tandem with policy change. Part of the value of these corporate commitments is that it demonstrates to policymakers that this is achievable . . . that it’s not going to crash our food system and cause food businesses to go out of business.”
For Vermont Law School’s Winders, the real problem stems from the fact that the legal protections for animals that apply to other industries like research and pet breeding don’t extend to farms.
“[The Better Chicken Commitment] is an attempt to fill a legal void, and because the suffering is so immense, we should be doing everything we can to try to fill that void,” she said. “But it’s never going to be enough. There needs to be meaningful legal protections, because even with these corporate commitments, there are hurdles in terms of enforcement.”
If a company adopts the GAP version of the BCC, its suppliers will be subject to audits every 15 months. Otherwise, third-party auditing is technically required, but since the commitment is not run by one organization, there’s no central authority keeping track of all the audits.
In a 2020 report on BCC progress, Compassion in World Farming proposed a reporting framework in which organizations would ask companies to publicly disclose what percentage of their chicken meets the overall standard and each component of it, as well as whether they have been audited and by whom. But even that framework would be voluntary.
And as the requirements for higher-welfare breeds kick in over the next several years, it seems like a stretch to imagine the industry’s biggest players sacrificing enough income and efficiency to meet their commitments.
None the less, GAP’s Malleau is optimistic that—even with its piecemeal execution—the Better Chicken Commitment will eventually deliver on its promise, especially when it comes to better breeds. “There are already 200 companies in North America that have signed on and there are all of these global initiatives, with big food service companies coming together to figure out how to do it,” she said. “So, I’m confident we’ll figure it out.”
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]]>The post Are Some Animal Welfare Labels ‘Humanewashing’? appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>If you’ve bought meat or eggs in a grocery store recently, you’ve probably seen a wide range of labels promising improved treatment of farm animals.
Many of these labels look similar and use the same words and imagery—think cows on pasture or strong, healthy chickens pecking in the grass—but they’re not all the same. Some come from independent, third-party certifiers, and others are created by the meat and egg industries themselves.
Now, a new report from the anti-factory farming group Farm Forward seeks to outline the differences between independent and industry animal welfare labels and expose what it calls “humanewashing” among both types of groups.
Like the now widely recognized practice of “greenwashing,” Farm Forward says that companies use humanewashing to deceive consumers who care about animal rights, leading them to believe animals were raised according to their expectations of humane treatment even when they were not. And since some consumers have become savvy to unregulated labeling terms like “all natural” and “free-range,” organizations and industry are increasingly using certification schemes to formalize their standards.
At the heart of the report is Farm Forward’s criticism of the Global Animal Partnership (GAP), a program created by Whole Foods CEO and co-founder John Mackey in 2008 to establish standards and labeling for meat sold in his stores and beyond. It was intended to encourage farmers to steadily improve their practices over time and has grown into one of the most recognized and respected animal welfare labels since, with more than 400 million animals covered by the program and more than 1,200 certified products.
Now, after working in partnership with GAP for over a decade, Farm Forward is calling attention to the way GAP labels products that land at the bottom of their five-step system. Products at that low end of the scale can now don a generic label of “Animal Welfare Certified” which Farm Forward says gives those products a halo effect from the higher-welfare products—without making changes to their practices.
“Welfare certifications are designed, ostensibly, to help consumers identify animal products consistent with their ethical concerns,” reads the report. “But many are intentionally deceptive, and all are problematic. They generally function to confuse consumers, lock truly high-welfare animal farmers out of important markets, and thwart the kinds of reforms necessary to phase out industrialized farming.”
However, some animal welfare experts and advocates say that even the smallest improvements can alleviate animal suffering at a large scale and that calling out certifications making incremental progress detracts from important changes they are making. Others say that food certifications almost always operate as marketing tools, and the report’s findings merely reflect that reality.
“What we have concluded is that despite our best efforts . . . these certifications, like the industry label claims and unregulated claims before them, are now doing more to deceive and mislead consumers and are ultimately serving as a hindrance to progress on factory farming issues rather than a step in a better direction,” said Andrew deCoriolis, Farm Forward’s executive director.
The federal government does not regulate terms like “humane” or “free-range,” so as concerns about animal welfare on farms have grown over the last decade, multiple certification programs have emerged. Each has its own set of unique standards, and most require farmers to pay a fee to certify their operation and products.
The report analyzes several of the most popular labels. It calls out certifications produced explicitly by trade groups—including UEP Certified, created by United Egg Producers, and Farmers Assuring Responsible Management (FARM), created by the National Milk Producers Federation—identifying them as pure marketing tools that codify standard industry practices. It also details challenges with third-party certifications.
American Humane Certified, which works closely with large companies like Butterball and Eggland’s Best to make small tweaks within standard industry systems, has long been cited as among the weakest animal welfare standards by a range of groups, including the Animal Welfare Institute and Consumer Reports. Farm Forward says the certification “largely fails to improve conditions beyond industry conventions.”
One Health Certified is the subject of even more criticism. While its name suggests otherwise, the certification is not affiliated with the One Health Commission, a consortium that works on food system issues with an emphasis on connections between human, animal, and environmental health—although the commission’s executive director, Cheryl Stroud, told Civil Eats the program “shares a common goal” with the commission.
Instead, One Health Certified is administered by an institute based at Iowa State University. But Mountaire, the country’s sixth-largest poultry company and one that has been the target of animal rights groups investigations in the past, applied for the trademark and is currently the only company using the certification. In a 2020 webinar, Mountaire Director of Technical Marketing G. Donald Ritter was introduced as having worked on the certification. “The one thing you want a label to do is to reduce consumer concerns with buying your product,” he said, while explaining the marketing power of certification.
Brian Ronholm, the director of food policy at Consumer Reports, said he often points to One Health Certified as a good example of a certification that is meaningless. He describes it as “essentially a participation trophy for normal [factory-scale] operations.”
Across the spectrum of certifications, the report points to the fact that none completely eliminate several practices consumers may find inhumane—breeding fast-growing animals in a way that often impacts their health, immediately separating dairy calves from their mothers, and culling male chicks in the egg industry. (United Egg Producers pledged to eliminate the latter practice in U.S. egg production by 2020, but has so far failed to do so.)
Not even Animal Welfare Approved, run by the independent nonprofit A Greener World, addresses those issues. However, it does stand out in the report (and in many other evaluations of welfare labels) as having the most rigorous standards by far. Most significantly, it is the only certification in the report that prohibits raising animals in concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs), where they are confined and in close proximity. DeCoriolis said that point is crucial, because consumers increasingly see CAFO production as anathema to animal welfare.
“Public sentiment is shifting strongly against industrial animal agriculture, and at that same moment, at this critical juncture where this shift in public perception is happening, the [other] certifications are now playing a role in retarding that progress on the kind of reforms that would be meaningful for farms,” said deCoriolis. “They’re telling the public, ‘We are humanely raised. We know that you care about these issues’ . . . and they’re further obfuscating the realities on their operations.”
At a Whole Foods in Baltimore on a busy weeknight in January, refrigerated packages of store-brand turkey and chicken bore stickers marked with GAP’s “Animal Welfare Certified” logo, suggesting to shoppers that the birds had been treated better than conventional farm animals.
But GAP certification spans a broad, five-step spectrum—ranging from a “base” level to a level at which animals spend their entire lives on a farm—and the generic labels did not indicate at which level the meat was certified. That means it’s possible the meat came from fast-growing birds confined in a CAFO—and given slightly more space than non-GAP-certified birds, but no outdoor access.
This loophole is a problem, says Farm Forward. And after years of participation on the GAP board, founder and CEO Aaron Gross publicly stepped down last fall “in protest” of the way the organization had changed.
“GAP is no longer a tool for change, but is increasingly a marketing scheme functioning to benefit massive corporations,” he wrote on the organization’s website at the time. The Farm Forward report followed at the end of December, and while many would expect its criticisms of many of the aforementioned certifications, its criticisms of GAP, long hailed as a stronger system for advancing animal welfare, are more surprising.
“Of course, change is always incremental, and if we thought that GAP’s commitment to continuous improvement was meaningful . . . it might be different,” deCoriolis said. He also referred to what the report calls the “halo effect” created even by more rigorous, tiered standards like Certified Humane and GAP and pointed to a recent class action lawsuit filed early this year against Diestel Turkey Ranch as an example.
Diestel raises slower-growing turkeys on pasture at its Sonora, California Ranch using regenerative practices. It was the first turkey producer to achieve GAP’s highest level of certification, 5+, meaning that animals live on pasture year-round with no physical alterations. But less than 1 percent of the turkeys the company sells come from that ranch and meet that level of certification.
“More than 99 percent of Diestel’s birds are not GAP 5-rated and some are not GAP rated at all,” the suit alleges, stating that the vast majority of the rest come from CAFOs that are not significantly different from the industry standard.
However, Diestel won a prior lawsuit brought by animal rights group DxE that accused the company of false advertising. The judge in that case found that the company provided significantly improved conditions for its birds at various GAP certification levels including the basic level.
“[Diestel’s] turkeys [are provided] a level of care and attention the vast majority of turkey producers never attain,” the judge stated. Turkey farmer and co-owner Heidi Diestel told Civil Eats that “birds that are not GAP Step 5 are clearly labeled with their corresponding GAP Step rating.”
GAP’s leadership also strongly defends its certification system as resulting in meaningful, ongoing change. “As farm animal welfare science advances and practical solutions develop, GAP standards continuously evolve and improve over time, becoming more comprehensive and including additional requirements,” Executive Director Anne Malleau told Civil Eats in an email.
She pointed to a new initiative, called the Better Chicken Project, that will affect 100 percent of GAP-certified broiler chickens and will address “the suffering of birds genetically selected for rapid growth in a way that has never been done before,” by using welfare-specific research to inform breeding.
She also disputed Farm Forward’s claim that producers tend to come in at lower levels of certification and stay there, pointing out that the number of pasture-raised Step 4 cattle has increased from 38 to 70 percent of the total cattle the group certifies since 2012. That growth is partially due the introduction of a program that allows farmers and ranchers to feed cattle grain while keeping them on pasture.
Finally, Malleau said that GAP created the generic label without a step number not to confuse consumers, but to support sellers who were concerned about the availability of raw materials and would be forced to update their packaging if a temporary shortage happened and they had to source meat from a supplier certified at a lower step.
“By its very design, our 5-Step program is inclusive of a wide variety of production systems and has positively impacted the lives of hundreds of millions of animals at all steps,” added Malleau.
Not all animal rights groups see even the weakest welfare labels as promoting humanewashing. As some see it, lower standards allow more companies and farms to sign on, meaning more small improvements across the board.
Temple Grandin, a renowned animal scientist whose approach to welfare improvements fits into this realm, is on American Humane’s board. The point of its certification, she told the New York Times, is to “work with large-scale commercial producers so that they have at least some standards.”
In a written statement, a spokesperson for the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA), emphasized that many animal welfare certifications in the report do ban practices like caging and crating and provide third-party on-farm audits. The organization has its own food label guide and endorses three certifications: Animal Welfare Approved, Certified Humane, and GAP’s levels 2 and above.
“There is no perfect welfare certification, they each have room for improvement, and we are working to help strengthen their standards, but the certifications we recognize do afford meaningfully better lives for vulnerable animals and clarity for consumers, when the industry currently offers neither,” the statement read. “To criticize a small but growing group of farmers, businesses, and consumers whose efforts and investments are positively impacting hundreds of millions of animals, when billions are still suffering in truly hellish conditions, amounts to a trap named in Farm Forward’s report: letting perfect be the enemy of the good.”
DeCoriolis acknowledged that challenge, and the report explicitly gives some of the certifications credit for relieving the suffering of many animals. It questions, however, whether the improved practices should be dubbed “humane” and if they prevent bigger changes from being made.
“We think that the marginally better is being entrenched in ways that will hinder, in the long-term, the opportunity for an alternative market to be developed, for a meaningfully different, non-factory farmed movement to be built,” he said.
While some consumers may feel duped, Amanda Hitt, the director of the Government Accountability Project’s Food Integrity Campaign, has never expected animal welfare labels to cause wholesale changes to modern agriculture.
“Anyone who’s watched the organic movement or the environmental movement knows that this is exactly how it works,” said Hitt. “You should be aware that the industry’s motivation is not to protect animals but to profit. Labeling is advertising. Certification is advertising.”
For the same reason, GAP was always going to be a marketing tool for Whole Foods, she added. “GAP was an attempt to work with industry,” she said. “Once industry signed on, that’s a sure sign that they’re going to profit.”
That’s not to say that corporations are filled with evildoers, that some aren’t doing more than others to make real change, or that animals’ lives aren’t improved along the way, Hitt emphasized. In fact, she says, producers and executives are doing what their employers require of them when they make as few expensive changes as possible to sell more products—they’re watching their bottom line. Hitt believes that certifications do start conversations and get the issue in front of the public in a new way, which can contribute to larger, long-term course corrections within the food system.
So what should a shopper concerned with animal welfare do in front of the meat case?
“As a rule, consumers should view these types of label claims with skepticism, and they should closely scrutinize them,” Consumer Reports’ Ronholm said. “Most are trying to convey a value that doesn’t really exist while charging you a premium price.”
Rating systems like Consumer Reports’ Food Label Guide and the Farm Forward report can help consumers evaluate each certification on its own based on all of the available information. But in the end, careful consideration at the grocery store may not be the best tool to improve farm animals’ lives.
“Part of this is a broader grappling of the American public with [the idea] that we can consume our way to the kind of country or world we want to live in. Personally, I don’t think that’s true,” deCoriolis said. “Consumer actions are critically important . . . but ultimately, changing industrial animal agriculture is a choice we have to make as a public, at a level of governance and regulation.”
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]]>The post Marion Nestle Imagines an ‘Enlightened’ Approach to National Food Policy appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>Kerry Trueman: We demand a lot from our government agencies. We want them to be there for us when disaster strikes or disease breaks out. We want policies that protect us from danger and help us lead healthy lives.
But what happens when an agency has multiple agendas that conflict? Like, for example, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), whose mission is to help farmers turn a profit, while also promoting healthy eating habits. We end up with an agency whose agricultural policies actively encourage diseases that cost millions of lives and billions of dollars annually, even as its nutrition policies try to tackle those same largely preventable illnesses.
Academics, “good food” advocates, and health care experts have proposed that we break this vicious cycle by creating a national food policy agency that would adopt a more enlightened approach. Can you imagine such an agency?
Marion Nestle: Easily. I’m often asked what I would do if I were the boss of America’s food system. High on my action list would be reorganizing federal food and nutrition policies to get them all focused on preventing hunger, promoting health, and protecting the environment. In the United States, we have plenty of policies dealing with these goals, but responsibility for them is fragmented among multiple agencies, each with its own political leadership, constituency, and policy agenda. Each competes with the others for mandates and funding. And each attracts its own dedicated horde of stakeholder lobbyists.
A list is all you need to understand why current policies seem at cross purposes. I can think of 11 distinct categories of policies for agriculture, food, and nutrition. The USDA is in charge of most of them, but not all, and some of its functions overlap with those of other agencies. I realize that a table oversimplifies this situation, but I think it’s the easiest way to get a quick overview. See if you agree.
The explanation for a system this complicated is history—and politics, of course. The policies developed piecemeal, mostly during the twentieth century, in response to specific problems as they arose. Regulatory authority was assigned to whichever agency seemed most appropriate at the time. For some policy areas, oversight is split among several agencies—the antithesis of a systems approach.
POLICY AREA | MANDATE | OVERSIGHT AGENCY (OR AGENCIES) |
Agricultural support | Payments to producers based on congressional farm bill legislation | USDA |
Alcoholic beverages | Regulation of production, imports, labels, advertising | TTB |
Environmental impact of food production and consumption | Standards for protecting quality of soil, water, and air; farmland conservation | USDA, EPA |
Food and nutrition monitoring | Food quantity and quality, dietary intake, and effects of diets on health | USDA, CDC |
Food and nutrition research | Studies of agriculture, food, nutrition, and health | NIH, USDA, FDA, CDC |
Food assistance | Nutritional support for low-income adults and children through programs such as SNAP, WIC, and school meals | USDA |
Food labor | Regulation of working conditions for farm, slaughterhouse, and restaurant employees | U.S. Department of Labor (wages, working conditions, child labor, migrant and seasonal workers); USDA (surveys, statistics); OSHA (worker safety and health) |
Food product regulation | Package contents, labels, health claims, advertising | USDA (meat and poultry); FDA (all other foods, supplements); FTC (advertising) |
Nutrition education | Dietary Guidelines for Americans; MyPlate food guide | USDA and HHS (guidelines); USDA (MyPlate) |
Food safety | Procedures, inspections, enforcement | USDA (meat and poultry); FDA (all other foods) |
Food trade | Quality and safety standards for agricultural crop, food product, ingredient, and supplement imports and exports | USDA, FDA, and 20 other federal agencies |
What a mess. The USDA, historically and by law a dedicated supporter of corporate industrial food production—Big Agriculture, Big Meat, Big Dairy—is also responsible for dietary guidelines and food guides that sometimes advise the public to eat less of what these enterprises produce.
How to clean up this mess? I like to tell the story of my disheartening experience teaching a course on the farm bill, the enormous and enormously complicated legislation that governs agricultural supports and food assistance in the United States. I didn’t know much about the bill when I decided to teach this course but could think of no better way to learn about it (hubris!). The high point came on the first day of class. I asked students to consider what a rational food policy might look like. They had no trouble coming up with desirable goals: make sure everyone has enough to eat at an affordable price; ensure a decent living for farmers; provide an adequate and safe livelihood for farm, restaurant, and slaughterhouse workers; protect farmers against the hazards of weather, pests, volatile markets, and climate change; produce a surplus for international trade and aid; and, most critically, promote health and protect the environment. On this last point, they thought the farm bill should encourage regional, seasonal, organic, and sustainable food production; promote conservation of soil, land, and forests; protect water and air quality, natural resources, and wildlife; and stipulate that farm animals be raised humanely.
OK, it’s a long list, but policies addressing such matters already exist. They just need to be refocused on health and environmental goals, and agencies need to work together to achieve them. The difficulty of making this happen, alas, is again best illustrated by the Government Accountability Office’s 40-year campaign for a single food safety agency.
In 2015, food journalists Mark Bittman and Michael Pollan, along with food policy leaders Ricardo Salvador and Olivier De Schutter, called for an overall national food policy that would directly link food production and consumption to public health and environmental protection. Given political realities, they did not recommend creation of a single agency to oversee the entire food system, but they came close. They suggested reconfiguring the USDA to become the U.S. Department of Food, Health, and Wellbeing, and appointing a National Food Policy Advisor to coordinate food policies across all government departments.
In my book Safe Food, I included the wildly complex organizational chart of the then–newly formed Department of Homeland Security, an entity cobbled together from about four dozen federal agencies. A single food agency would be much less complicated, but evidently less politically feasible. As for a National Food Policy Advisor? I want that job!
Running down the table, I’d make sure agricultural policies promote health and protect the environment. I’d make alcohol labels consistent with food labels, and stop booze companies from aiming their marketing at low-income and minority groups. I’d insist that environmental policies do what they are supposed to do, that federal agencies diligently track how we produce and consume food and the effects of both on our health, and that research agencies sponsor studies of how our food system can best be configured to promote regenerative (sustainable, replenishing, carbon-sequestering) agricultural practices, as well as human and animal health. I’d insist that food assistance policies make adequate, healthy diets accessible for all participants.
I would correct decades of exploitation of farm and restaurant workers who still suffer the effects of racist 1930s legislation excluding them from minimal wage requirements and protections. I’d ensure that they are compensated fairly and have safe working conditions. For those who are undocumented, I would insist on legal protections and a route to legal status.
I’d get rid of misleading health claims and obfuscating labels on food products and do for food packages what Chile and some other Latin American countries have done: put warning labels on ultra-processed foods and ban cartoons from junk foods marketed to kids. I’d demand that food companies take safety seriously and do more to prevent foodborne illness. I would see to it that we import healthy, sustainably produced foods, and export high-quality products. Completing the list, I’d make sure that dietary guidelines and food guides promote vegetables and discourage ultra-processed products, and say so explicitly. Above all, I would consider agriculture, health, labor, and environmental policies as a unit, and never deal with them in isolation. That’s a food-systems approach in a nutshell.
Reasonable? I think so. Possible? I would dearly love to see all this as an agenda for action. Whether or not such policy goals are currently feasible, they are well worth setting. We need clear objectives for improving tomorrow’s food system as a means to guide—and inspire—today’s advocacy agenda.
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]]>The post USDA Moves Forward with Sweeping Plans to Prevent Fraud in Organics appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>These were not isolated incidents. Over the last decade, groups like Organic Farmers Agency for Relationship Marketing (OFARM) and the Cornucopia Institute have tracked and analyzed massive shipments of grain from countries including Turkey, Ukraine, Romania, and Russia, with much of it routed through Turkey. They’ve found that the amount of certified organic acreage in the origin countries could not have produced the quantity of grain entering the U.S.
“Serious questions as to whether some countries, like Kazakhstan, even have organic production acreage are alarming, considering reports that imports from these regions have filled the U.S. organic supply chain,” John Bobbe, OFARM’s Executive Director, told the Cornucopia Institute in 2018.
And yet, regulation of this $50 billion global market is done by the USDA’s National Organic Program (NOP), which was staffed by only 37 people in 2019. Now, the NOP, which regulates the global industry, has released a proposed rule to combat organic fraud, and it could be the most consequential update to the organic standards to date.
“It’s the largest single piece of rulemaking since the organic regulations were implemented in 2002,” said Gwendolyn Wyard, vice president for regulatory and technical affairs at the Organic Trade Association (OTA). “I’ve been referring to it as a ‘beast’ because it covers so many topics and so many different areas. It’s really going to impact everyone in the supply chain.”
“It’s the largest single piece of rulemaking since the organic regulations were implemented in 2002.”
In its current form, the Strengthening Organic Enforcement Proposed Rule would require all certified organic food companies to have a plan in place to prevent fraud in their supply chains and would ramp up unannounced inspections of all organic operations. It would also make it easier to trace and track imported foods by requiring electronic certificates and mandating that more players involved in the transport and sale of organic foods—like brokers and traders—obtain certification.
The proposed rule is stems from an addition to the 2018 Farm Bill, and it was originally set to be released in September 2019. And while advocacy and industry groups celebrated the step forward, they also contend that the agency had failed to act on several other important issues, such as the Origin of Livestock rule, even when directed by Congress. And just a few days after publishing the proposed rule, the USDA also announced an unexpected reduction in payments made to help farmers manage the cost of transitioning to organic, angering pro-organic groups like the National Organic Coalition and the Organic Farmers Association.
The OTA’s Wyard said the group has been disappointed by the USDA’s management of the NOP under President Trump and that other near-term changes to the program are unlikely. “This is the only rulemaking I think we’re going to see out of this administration,” said Wyard.
Organic food was once considered niche hippie fare and was mainly confined to produce and meats sold directly to consumers at local markets. Over the past few decades, it has become a multi-billion dollar market filled with premium packaged foods and processed snacks that can cost as much as twice the price of their conventional counterparts. Food industry giants including General Mills and Perdue have jumped into the game, as many consumers have been willing to pay that premium.
But the amount of certified organic farmland in the U.S.—especially for the corn and soy used to make processed foods and animal feed—has not kept pace with the demand for organic food, creating a wide gap between supply and demand that has primarily been filled by imports. That gap in supply and long, complicated foreign supply chains have created a situation ripe for fraud, which undercuts organic producers following the letter of the law.
“Part of the challenge has been that organic has experienced tremendous growth in the marketplace, and so [NOP] has to oversee what is now a worldwide system of organic production,” said Abby Youngblood, the executive director of the National Organic Coalition. “We’ve been working really hard to get the resources to USDA to do that more effectively. They have ramped up in terms of hiring a lot more auditors . . . and they have been making improvements in their ability to oversee the organic marketplace.”
“Organic has experienced tremendous growth in the marketplace, and so the USDA has to oversee what is now a worldwide system of organic production”
The proposed rule would take that expansion to the next level by closing several loopholes in the standard and adding new safeguards. For example, many people and companies involved in the supply chain that are not directly involved in growing or processing the food, like grain brokers and traders, have in the past been exempt from certification. The rule would significantly shrink that list.
“The allowance of uncertified handlers creates gaps in the organic supply chain, breaking chains of custody and complicating the verification of product origin,” the NOP wrote in the proposed rule. “Improved supply chain traceability is critical to the continuing success of the program and its ability to ensure the integrity of organic products.”
Wyard said that provision alone will be incredibly meaningful for the industry, and that requiring mandatory import certificates from all countries would be another major shift towards effective enforcement. All organic food companies would also be required to have a plan in place to monitor their supply chains to prevent fraud, a tactic the OTA has long supported. Through its Organic Fraud Prevention Solutions program, the organization provides training to help companies create those plans.
The USDA published the proposed Strengthening Organic Enforcement Rule on August 5 and it’s open for public comment until October 5. After that, the agency will have to work through those comments before publishing a final rule that will then require an implementation period of about a year.
Wyard said some in the industry think that timeline may be ambitious given the scale of the changes, but for many it feels like a long slog.
“If you’re an organic grain producer, it feels as slow as molasses . . . when you’ve been competing with fraudulent products and your prices are being undermined,” Youngblood said.
Other proposed changes to the organic standards have gotten stuck in the mud along the way. The Organic Livestock and Poultry Practices (OLPP) Rules, which were championed across the industry as crucial to bringing animal welfare standards on organic farms up to a level consumers expect, were finalized in 2017 after the agency worked through five different versions. USDA then withdrew the rules altogether soon after the Trump administration took over, and a lawsuit the OTA filed against the agency is still tied up in court.
The Origin of Livestock rule, intended to close a loophole that allowed dairy operations to retain organic certification while adding conventionally raising calves to their herds, has suffered a similar fate. First proposed in 2015, it was never finalized. Congress then directed USDA to finalize the rule within 180 days in an appropriations bill signed into law in December 2019—to no avail.
Unlike many issues that have divided the organic community in recent years—such as certifying hydroponic farms—cracking down on fraud is a matter on which many in the industry appears to agree.
On July 1, a bipartisan group of lawmakers sent a letter to Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue notifying the agency that it had missed the deadline and urging the department “to immediately finalize the rule. In doing so, the lawmakers urged Purdue to “demonstrate meaningful support for the economic stabilization and recovery of family-owned organic dairy farms.”
There is also a long backlog of recommendations from the National Organic Standards Board—the advisory group made up of farmers, scientists, and other organic stakeholders charged with maintaining the science behind the label—that NOP has not yet acted on.
Still, industry experts are confident that a rule cracking down on cheating the system, especially one that mainly aims to curb foreign fraud that affects American consumers and farmers, will move forward, regardless of who is in office.
“Under this administration, from the top all the way down, this has been a high priority,” Wyard said. “As it turns out, our government doesn’t really like fraudulent products coming into the United States. And [because] so much of it is mandated by Congress, we really have that congressional support.” Organic fraud protections written into the farm bill, for example, had bi-partisan support.
Unlike many issues that have divided the organic community in recent years—such as certifying hydroponic farms—cracking down on fraud is a matter on which many in the industry appears to agree. “I think that we, as an organic community, have done a really good job of articulating the scale of the challenges, and we’ve been able to demonstrate that the lack of a level playing field for organic farmers is really undermining their viability,” said Youngblood. “It took a lot longer than we had hoped, but we are certainly encouraged by this.”
Still, advocates said it will take more than a USDA rule to end fraud in the industry, including concerted efforts within private companies. And given the long timeline until implementation, they’ll have to continue to police the issue until the new protections are firmly in place.
“In the meantime, we are continuing to advocate that USDA do as much as they can within their authority to stop the fraudulent activity,” Youngblood said.
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]]>The post Restricting Plant-Based “Meat” Labels Won’t Save the Meat Industry appeared first on Civil Eats.
]]>These products are not necessarily targeted just at vegans or vegetarians, who comprise around 2 percent of the U.S. population over age 17. Meat, on the other hand, is a well-established market. In 2018 Americans consumed 57.2 pounds of beef, 92.4 pounds of chicken, and 50.9 pounds of pork per capita.
Nonetheless, the meat industry is defending its turf–including in the grocery store. Missouri passed a law in 2018 restricting use of the word “meat” to animal-based proteins, and now more than 20 other states are considering or have enacted similar legislation. Countersuits have been filed, and the U.S. Food and Drug Administration is assessing whether the federal government should clarify differences between traditional and nontraditional meat.
How important are these labeling debates? We are agricultural economists and have published a number of studies examining how consumers respond to changes at the grocery store. One key takeaway is that small labeling changes are unlikely to induce large changes in the way people purchase food. Indeed, we believe restrictions on what can be called meat could ultimately strengthen pushback against the meat industry.
Academic studies of other food technologies, such as genetically modified organisms, have found that consumers generally prefer a labeling policy to help guide their decisions. To explore how regulations specifying what can be labeled “meat” could influence consumer decisions, we conducted a survey with Cornell University economist Chris Wolf and graduate student Benjamin DeMuth of 1,502 food households across the United States. We wanted to find out how regulating use of the word “meat” could affect consumers’ understanding of ingredients and nutritional content, and their food choices.
Approximately half of our respondents were shown products with the type of labels that grocery stores use now, where nontraditional meat is labeled as “meat.” The other half viewed products with labels that described plant-based and cell-based products as “protein.” Our key question was whether forbidding food manufacturers from labeling plant-based and cell-based products as “meat” would make consumers more or less confused about these products’ ingredients and nutritional content.
Responses suggested that consumers don’t understand the nutrition of the foods they purchase, and are especially likely to overestimate the nutrition quality of plant-based alternatives. Respondents who were shown the current labeling scheme overestimated the amount of cholesterol, protein, sodium, and trans fats in both meat and nontraditional meat products, but underestimated their calorie contents.
When we asked people how many calories they thought various products contained, they estimated that the plant-based Beyond Meat option contained 51 percent fewer calories than it really does. For traditional meat options, they underestimated calorie contents by 24 to 34 percent. Many people were even confused about the likely ingredients in their products. Approximately 30 percent of respondents thought the plant-based Beyond Burger contained ground beef.
These findings might seem to argue for government intervention and more specific labeling. However, respondents who viewed nontraditional meat products with labels that did not use the word “meat” were just as confused about ingredients and nutritional content. In sum, whether a product carried the m-word or not, consumers knew little about what it contained or whether it was good for them.
If laws restricting what can be called “meat” don’t reduce confusion, why are industry groups lobbying so fiercely for them? Some cynics argue that rather than protecting consumers, the industry aims to slow the growth of upstart competitors.
At the same time, key players in the traditional meat industry are investing in alternative meat products. Tyson Foods was an early investor in Beyond Meat and now plans to develop its own line of plant-based products. Kellogg, Kroger, Nestlé, Conagra Brands, and Hormel Foods have all made significant investments in developing their own plant-based meat substitutes.
Arguably, these companies could hurt their own new business lines if they successfully promote labeling restrictions that make consumers less willing to switch from animal-based proteins to plant-based substitutes. To test this possibility, we conducted an experiment in which we asked consumers to choose between packages of Beyond Meat, frozen beef patties, fresh beef patties, and a lab-grown alternative not yet available on the market.
Choice sets with all products labeled as meat (top), and alternative products labeled “protein” (bottom). (Image credit: Trey Malone)
These options were displayed multiple times at varying prices, which allowed us to assess how price differences affected consumers’ decisions.
We found that eliminating the word “meat” from nontraditional meat product labels did not affect the percentage of consumers who chose traditional meat products. The only noticeable difference was that when meat alternatives were labeled as such, more people opted out of purchasing any option. Our data suggest that at least in the short run, the meat industry has little to gain from advocating for labeling restrictions on these plant-based protein companies.
What should be done? Although consumers know astonishingly little about the nutritional content of either traditional meat or nontraditional alternatives, our results suggest that forcing alternative meat companies to use labels that more clearly distinguish themselves from the traditional offering is unlikely to transform the way consumers make decisions.
Costs associated with labeling legislation are nontrivial, and restrictions on what can be labeled meat could ultimately have the reverse effect desired by the meat industry. Stiff industry pushback against mandatory GMO labeling generated such strong consumer backlash that the U.S. ultimately adopted mandatory national labeling.
One option would be requiring grocery stores to stock alternative meat products in separate areas from traditional meats. But even this less-restrictive approach could have unintended consequences. Grocery stores operate on razor-thin margins, and restricting revenues from slotting fees–which wholesalers pay to grocery chains for optimal placement on shelves–could critically affect stores in precarious locations, including rural and urban food deserts.
A less risky strategy would be supporting and subsidizing grassroots consumer education programs. Land grant universities are uniquely positioned for this role, and extension specialists throughout the country already conduct community-based food and nutrition education programs. Our research suggests that this kind of outreach could help consumers make better choices about meat of all kinds.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Top photo CC-licensed by Raysonho on Wikimedia Commons.
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