Young Farmers | Civil Eats https://civileats.com/category/farming/young-farmers/ Daily News and Commentary About the American Food System Wed, 21 May 2025 05:19:06 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Civil Eats Included in ‘The Best American Food and Travel Writing 2025’ https://civileats.com/2025/05/21/civil-eats-included-in-this-years-best-american-food-and-travel-writing/ https://civileats.com/2025/05/21/civil-eats-included-in-this-years-best-american-food-and-travel-writing/#respond Wed, 21 May 2025 08:00:38 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=64607 Nelson’s story, “The Land Back Movement Is Also About Foodways,” recounts the 19th-century seizure of Indigenous hunting, fishing, and gathering grounds by settlers and the military across the United States. “Native peoples have lost nearly 99 percent of their historical land base in the U.S. . . . With it, they lost access to important […]

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We’re very pleased to announce that stories by two of our writers, Kate Nelson and Christina Cooke, have been included in The Best American Food and Travel Writing 2025.  Just 20 pieces were chosen, and it’s a great honor to be among them. The anthology, part of the Best American Series, will be published in October.

Nelson’s story, “The Land Back Movement Is Also About Foodways,” recounts the 19th-century seizure of Indigenous hunting, fishing, and gathering grounds by settlers and the military across the United States. “Native peoples have lost nearly 99 percent of their historical land base in the U.S. . . . With it, they lost access to important hunting and fishing grounds as well as myriad places to gather and prepare food,” writes Nelson, an Alaska Tlingit tribal member.

The Land Back movement, she says, is driven by a desire for “a powerful yearning to rebuild relationships to actual places—and the countless living things that inhabit them.” And, from Minnesota to California, tribes are managing to do just that, she reports, reclaiming grasslands for bison, farmland for sacred corn, and forests for harvesting wild rice.

Nelson also points out that land under Indigenous stewardship holds benefits for all of us, citing studies that support the power of traditional ecological practices to offset climate change. “The future we’re fighting for is not just a future for Indigenous people—it’s a future for people everywhere,” says Oglala Lakota Nick Tilsen, the CEO of NDN Collective, a Native-led activist coalition.

In addition, Nelson’s story was recognized by the James Beard Journalism Awards committee as part of The Deep Dish, our member newsletter, which is a finalist for the Columns and Newsletters award (the winners will be announced on June 14).

We’re also celebrating “Black Earth,” a lyrical profile of a North Carolina farmer that we cross-posted from The Bitter Southerner, written by Civil Eats’ Associate Editor Christina Cooke, whose nuanced, graceful writing appears regularly on our site. “Black Earth” is in the running for a James Beard Award too.

In telling the story of Patrick Brown, who recently purchased the plantation where his ancestors had been enslaved, Cooke deeply explores hundreds of years of Brown family history against the backdrop of American racism and discrimination, showing the family’s struggles and triumphs in an epic feat of reporting. She dives deep into Brown’s own many-chaptered life, too, recounting his farm childhood and his work in real estate, as an agricultural advisor in Afghanistan, with the Department of Defense, and now as a regenerative hemp farmer and grower of vegetables for his community. All of this richly told history resonates in the story’s final scenes, with Brown on his farm, “carrying out acts of reclamation, finding ways to push back against the systems designed to oppress people of color.”

To arrive at the final selections for the anthology, series editor and food writer Jaya Saxena combed through submissions from print and online publications, as well as doing her own research. Then she and guest editor Bryant Terry, the cookbook author and food activist, reviewed them. Both Nelson’s and Cooke’s pieces, she said, “hit that great intersection of speaking to the food and travel conversation happening in America right now, as well as being just genuinely beautiful writing.”

“Kate Nelson’s ‘The Land Back Movement Is Also About Foodways’ stood out for the way it powerfully connects Indigenous sovereignty with food systems, layering history, activism, and ecology into a deeply reported narrative,” Terry added. “Christina Cooke’s ‘Black Earth’ is equally compelling, weaving together questions of Black identity, land ownership, and healing with an intimacy that lingers long after the final paragraph. Both writers bring nuance, vision, and a fierce sense of purpose to their work—exactly the kind of storytelling we need in this moment.”

Civil Eats writers have been featured in previous Best American Food Writing editions. Kim O’Donnel’s piece “Cooking as the Cornerstone of a Sustainable Food System” and Barry Estabrook’s “Five Things I Will Not Eat” were both chosen in 2014. In 2023, former Senior Reporter Wesley Brown’s story “Black Farmers in Arkansas Still Seek Justice a Century After the Elaine Massacre,” was selected for the collection.

The Best American Food and Travel Writing 2025 also includes terrific, insightful pieces by many others whose writing we admire, among them John Paul Brammer’s “How to Eat a Rattlesnake” for The New Yorker; Reem Kassis’s “They Ate at My Table, Then Ignored My People” for The Atlantic; and Kayla S. Stewart’s “An African Legacy Endures in Palenque, Columbia,” for Saveur.

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]]> https://civileats.com/2025/05/21/civil-eats-included-in-this-years-best-american-food-and-travel-writing/feed/ 0 This Queer Couple Supports LGBTQ+ and BIPOC Farmers’ Mental Health https://civileats.com/2025/05/14/a-queer-couple-in-texas-organizes-for-farmers-mental-health-and-well-being/ https://civileats.com/2025/05/14/a-queer-couple-in-texas-organizes-for-farmers-mental-health-and-well-being/#respond Wed, 14 May 2025 08:00:41 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=64363 Reporting for this story was supported by the Pulitzer Center. Nicole J. Caruth is a 2025 Pulitzer Reporting Fellow. In February, she opened Griot Gardens, her restaurant in Houston, going into business with her mother, a seasoned restaurateur. But growing food in Hempstead, a remote agricultural town outside the city, has proven tougher than she […]

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Reporting for this story was supported by the Pulitzer Center. Nicole J. Caruth is a 2025 Pulitzer Reporting Fellow.

Ariana Dolcine moved to Texas with two dreams: to establish a thriving farm with her partner, Kennady Lilly, and open a farm-to-table Caribbean restaurant celebrating her Haitian roots. In her vision, she would cook dishes with malanga, a starchy root vegetable, calabaza, a pumpkin-shaped squash, and other “cultural crops” that she and Lilly cultivated themselves.

In February, she opened Griot Gardens, her restaurant in Houston, going into business with her mother, a seasoned restaurateur. But growing food in Hempstead, a remote agricultural town outside the city, has proven tougher than she and Lilly anticipated, with numerous losses in the past year.

LGBTQ+ people in farming are over three times more likely to experience depression and suicidal intent and about two and a half times more likely to experience anxiety than the general population.

First came Hurricane Beryl, knocking down trees and two 50-foot sunflower beds that Lilly planted solely for the joy they added to her kitchen window view. Shortly after, the winds from a tornado-strength derecho damaged their well, and then the generator broke down, leaving them without water for six months. A rare snowstorm wiped out their winter greens just a few months ago. To add to their woes, a beloved cow and its calf died during labor.

Speaking about her mental health, Dolcine named isolation, burnout from the daily grind of farming, and the “heartbreak” of their repeated losses among her challenges. “I’ve felt really hopeless at a few points this year in a way that I haven’t felt before,” Lilly said, as she expressed feeling “lonely” and “depressed” while struggling financially. Living in a remote town, and in a world rife with homophobia, she and Dolcine never know if revealing their queer identity will jeopardize their safety, adding another layer of stress to their lives.

They’re not alone in this experience.

A study released last year by the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign revealed that LGBTQ+ people in farming are “over three times more likely to experience depression and suicidal intent and about two and a half times more likely to experience anxiety than the general population.” According to the researchers, not conforming to the gender and sexuality norms of farming culture while navigating potentially hostile social environments increases stress and may lead to poor mental health outcomes.

For Dolcine and Lilly, community building and cultivating a sense of belonging are crucial for maintaining their mental well-being. In October, the couple hosted the “South Side Queer Farmer Convergence,” the Queer Farmer Network’s first gathering of queer and transgender Black, Indigenous, and people of color in Texas.

For three days, 50 farmers camped out at Lillyland Farm in Hempstead, invited to shift their focus from caring for the land to tending their own mental and emotional health. Dolcine and Lilly found the gathering “healing,” both for them and those who attended.

A lot has happened in the months since then that threatens to diminish the mental health benefits they experienced.

With President Trump back in office, multiple reports have called attention to the mental health risks for LGBTQ+ Americans amid his efforts to revoke their rights, signing executive orders that recognize only two sexes, end discrimination protections for LGBTQ+ people, restrict access to gender-affirming care, and attempt to erase queer and trans people from public life and history.

On social media, Trump’s newly appointed Secretary of Agriculture, Brooke Rollins, praised the termination of grants meant to support queer and trans as well as BIPOC farmers and consumers, implying this funding represented “waste, fraud, and abuse.”

None of this is stopping Dolcine from organizing another queer farmer gathering this year.

“People are struggling in this line of work,” she said, highlighting the additional difficulties that queer Black, Indigenous, and people of color face in accessing farmland and resources. “I want them to be connected and know they’re not alone in this journey.”

Building Community in the Trump Era

In 2018, in the midst of Donald Trump’s first term, a group of friends in Iowa got together and created the Queer Farmer Network (QFC), a national nonprofit devoted to building community and reducing isolation for rural and queer farmers. That same year, they organized the first Queer Farmer Convergence, a now annual gathering informally known as “the QFC.”

It was created “to provide a space of respite for farming and rural queers who may experience isolation . . . and who may be particularly vulnerable to the mental health struggles well known to both farmers and LGBTQ+ community members,” its website states

A group of BIPOC young farmers walking away from camera with colorful tents in the background of a farmland

The 2024 South Side Queer Farmer Convergence focused on rest and restoration for LGBTQ+ farmers and land stewards. (Photo courtesy of Lillyland Farm).

First held at Humble Hands Harvest, a worker-owned cooperative farm in the northeast corner of Iowa, the QFC has branched out over the years to include gatherings in Virginia, Michigan, and New Hampshire. The QFC took place at locations in Texas and Wisconsin for the first time last fall, both of which focused on bringing together queer farmers identifying as Black, Indigenous, or people of color—a change Dolcine suggested when she attended her first QFC two years ago.

Originally from Miami, Dolcine was living in Iowa temporarily, working as an independent insurance adjuster. That’s where she met Lilly, a Des Moines native who co-founded the now-closed urban farm Radiate DSM. “On a whim,” Dolcine joined her at Humble Hands for the QFC and found a glaring lack of racial diversity. Organizers told her the network had reserved one-third of tickets for BIPOC farmers, waiving their registration fees and providing travel stipends to attend the QFC, but had limited success.

To Dolcine, moving the gathering to a region with greater diversity and organizing a BIPOC-centered event where people of color would feel safe attending seemed like viable solutions.

But BIPOC gatherings had been a long-term plan of the Queer Farmer Network. Securing a grant for farmer mental health and well-being allowed the network to finance the gatherings and assemble a team to organize them. Dolcine joined that team and agreed to organize a QFC herself, naming it to reflect its location in the South and her own Southern origins.

On the first day of the South Side QFC, farmers hailing from Houston, Dallas, El Paso, Fort Worth, Florida, Tennessee, Atlanta, Iowa, Minnesota, California, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey gathered at Lillyland Farm in a welcome circle that lasted “hours and hours,” Lilly said. As the farmers went around introducing themselves, Dolcine and Lilly heard many express gratitude for the chance to be on land where they could “be themselves and be queer,” not having to mask their identities or code-switch.

“It seemed extremely needed,” said Dolcine, who co-organized the event with Cyd Keel, a queer trans farmer and herbalist living in Memphis, Tennessee.

For the rest of the weekend, the group followed a loosely planned itinerary that included printmaking, natural plant dying, beading, and yoga while leaving space for spontaneous activities like a nighttime dance party around a bonfire and communal nap in a field. Although the event was held three weeks before the election, Dolcine felt it was important not to make it all about political or environmental crises or attacks on bodily autonomy.

“At what point can we turn that all off and just say, ‘OK, I deserve peace of mind,” she explained, fighting back tears. “I deserve not to have these things on my mind for just a moment. I deserve not to think about next month. I deserve just to hear the earth as it is: the water running, the birds chirping. People deserve to just be at ease.”

Brooklyn Gordon, a queer, Black preacher, licensed therapist, and new farmer based in Dallas, attended the South Side QFC not to counsel attendees but to be in the company of other queer folks. “What was most powerful was seeing love prevail,” she wrote in an email to Civil Eats. “We dreamed together of futures for queer farmers, queer families, queer love. We dreamed of being in community with one another again and growing . . . Regardless of the mental state that everyone may have come in with, we all left better.”

Gordon has observed in her therapy practice that managing the complex interplay of racial, gender, and queer identities presents “a constant challenge to being seen, valued, and safe.” From familial and religious beliefs to social conditioning and mistreatment, “it all poses a risk for mental and emotional health,” she said. Recent studies by The Trevor Project and the Center for American Progress echo this point: Mental health risks for LGBTQ+ people stem not from their gender or sexual identity, but from stigma and discrimination.

Like Gordon, Lilly was uplifted by the gathering and the attendees’ reassurance that she was still a farmer, even though her vision of abundance hasn’t yet materialized. “I cried when people were leaving,” Lilly said. “They are my family now.” From her perspective, “family, community, and chosen family” are essential not only for the mental well-being of LGBTQ+ farmers but particularly for LGBTQ+ Black women like her and Dolcine, who face the added stress of anti-Blackness.

Living Free on Black-Owned Land

Lillyland Farm is located in Hempstead, a town roughly 55 miles northwest of Houston, with about 6,500 residents. Hempstead takes pride in its history as the top watermelon shipper in the United States. But driving there on Highway 290 conjures an uglier history: It was here that 28-year-old Sandra Bland was found hanged in a jail cell three days after being pulled over and arrested by a Texas state trooper in 2015. Bland’s name became a Black Lives Matter rallying cry, with suspicions lingering about whether she died by suicide or at the hands of police.

A sepia older photo of a Black family

The Lilly family’s roots in Hempstead, Texas, date back to the 1800s. (Photo courtesy of Lillyland Farms).

“I think about it every day,” Lilly said, sitting in her camper surrounded by lush starter plants. “There is not a single day that I leave the farm that I’m not on edge. Anytime a police officer is driving behind me, I am terrified.”

Lilly feels safest at Lillyland, a 32-acre parcel that’s been in her family for eight generations. She picks up a thick stack of paper, slightly curled at the edges, that she calls “The Lilly Bible,” as it lists every member of her family, all the way back to an ancestor who arrived from Africa in 1818.

When their ancestors were freed from chattel slavery, they came across a field of lilies and adopted the flower as their surname, rejecting the family name of those who enslaved them.

A local university conducted the genealogical research, though Lilly’s family knowledge also comes from oral histories. She learned from her great-uncle, who also lives on the farm, that when their ancestors were freed from chattel slavery, they came across a field of lilies and adopted the flower as their surname, rejecting the family name of those who enslaved them.

As Lilly walked the property, four adult dogs and six mixed-breed puppies ran behind her. She stopped for a moment to greet Corotha, a horned cow that lives on the land, before moving through the pasture. With each step, she shared the rich history of Lillyland, a legacy that dates to the Reconstruction era, when Black families, denied the promise of 40 acres and a mule, bought whatever land they could.

Based on county records, Abraham Lilly, Sr., acquired 10 acres from Leonard Waller Groce, his former owner’s eldest son, in 1867. His father, Bowie Lilly, bought several plots in the area, amassing at least 82 more acres in the town. But, at some point, the Lillys’ property shrank to 50 acres and then to 32.

“What I’ve heard is that one of my aunts missed a payment,” Lilly explained. “Back then, they were trying to take land from Black people anywhere they could.”

A white labrador dog standing on grass with white puppies nursing

Kennady Lilly and Ariana Dolcine’s dog Sugar happily feeds her six puppies. (Photo credit: Nicole J. Caruth)

Lillyland Farm provided an idyllic backdrop for the South Side QFC, its thick, prickly woods gradually giving way to open fields where cattle graze in the sun. A large pond covered with lily pads sits at the heart of the landscape, a feature added by Lilly’s great-grandfather. A partially submerged boat at the pond’s edge, left there by the youngest of his thirteen children, reads “The Other Woman” on its side.

Lilly’s grandfather grew up on the farm but left Hempstead to work for the United States Department of Agriculture in Iowa and returned after retirement. After he died, he left two acres to Lilly’s dad, which she and Dolcine now tend. Lilly’s great-uncle wasn’t exactly welcoming when they arrived. “His first words to me were, ‘I know about your lifestyle and I don’t agree with it,’” she said, walking past his house. “He still makes a point to say that all the time, but now he loves me. I’m his favorite niece.”

Texas is known for its particularly hostile stance toward queer and trans people, with recent legislation reinforcing this reputation. The American Civil Liberties Union is tracking 88 anti-LGBTQ bills in Texas, the highest number of any state in the U.S. Meanwhile, the Trans Legislation Tracker shows 128 anti-trans bills in Texas, compared to 33 in Oklahoma and three in Louisiana, its neighboring states.

“I had it in my body and mind not to be gay here,’” Lilly said, reminiscing about the summer when she and Dolcine first visited Hempstead. “It just didn’t feel safe.” But she momentarily forgot and kissed Dolcine at the town’s annual Watermelon Festival in July. “The second we kissed, I heard someone [holler].” A cowboy came up to them and shared that he had a gay brother. “Just be yourself,” he told them. “People are gonna’ hate, but you have the right to be yourself.”

Making LGBTQ+ Farmers’ Mental Health Needs Visible

Researchers believe there are over 23,000 queer farmers in the United States, though the exact number is unknown. The USDA Census of Agriculture, taken every five years and considered a comprehensive count of farmers and ranchers in the U.S., doesn’t ask about gender or sexual identity. Without visibility, queer farmers’ needs go unrecognized.

“I really wanted to understand better what’s going on with mental health for LGBTQ+ folks and how might that be related to the environment within agriculture,” said Courtney Cuthbertson, who led the study of LGBTQ+ farmer mental health at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. “I was kind of surprised when I was starting to tell people about this project idea: Some of the reactions I would get were, ‘I didn’t know LGBTQ+ farmers were a group of people who existed.’”

Cuthbertson’s research team received 148 survey responses from LGBTQ+ farmers in 36 states. About 7 percent lived in Texas. “Most participants were white,” the study said, with 58 percent identifying as queer and 38 percent as trans. From this data, they surmised that poor mental health experiences for LGBTQ+ farmers may be connected to, among other things, the family farm model.

The idea of “family” being defined as a married male and female is codified in the American Farm Bureau’s 2024 policy book, which states, “A family should be defined as persons who are related by blood, marriage between a male and female, or legal adoption,” excluding all other forms of kinship. The impact of this on queer farmers includes reduced likelihood of securing loans and other support necessary for their success and survival.

When the USDA attempted to broaden the gender and sexual identity options on its census, it encountered pushback. “The survey asks questions including whether farmers identify as transgender, the gender they were at birth, and their sexual orientation,” Missouri Senator Josh Hawley posted on X in 2022. “For Joe Biden, even farming is about advancing his woke agenda.”

Cuthbertson warned that their team’s survey didn’t ask about legislation but about LGBTQ+ farmers’ experiences in general. Still, “We’ve seen historic year-after-year increases in anti-LGBTQ+ legislation,” Cuthbertson said. “I think it’s a fair thing to say that when you hear a lot of negative things about a group you’re a part of, and then there’s legislation proposed, that is going to have a personal impact.”

Although the study found high depression and anxiety rates among those surveyed, somewhat encouragingly, suicide risk was “much lower” for LGBTQ+ farmers than for the general LGBTQ+ population. The research team suggested that future studies investigate whether agricultural work offers some level of protection.

Living the Dream and Finding Hope

On a busy Sunday afternoon at the restaurant Griot Gardens, a server enthusiastically recommends “really, really good” Haitian dishes like akra, a fritter made from malanga root, and D’jon D’jon, rice with black mushrooms, eagerly writing down orders on green tickets. After a short wait, she places a deep-fried snapper with its head and tail still attached on my table next to a glass of vanilla-infused lemonade topped with a fresh Johnny Jump Up flower..

“I deserve just to hear the earth as it is: the water running, the birds chirping. People deserve to just be at ease.”

The song “Sonia” by the Haitian Canadian musical group Black Parents streams from a large portable speaker as couples and families eat and chat across tables. A uniformed police officer who moonlights as a DJ walks to each table, striking up conversations in Haitian Creole while waiting for his to-go order

This is the restaurant Dolcine dreamt of when she and Lilly moved to Texas. She opened it in February in collaboration with her mother, Pricia La France, who cooks most of the food. “I’m hoping for a good harvest this year,” said Dolcine, who still aspires to grow all the vegetables for the restaurant. For now, she sources them from Miami and Haiti.

Dolcine runs the restaurant seven days a week, while Lilly gears up to launch a personal chef business and manages the farm, where she has planted eggplant, tomatoes, okra, cantaloupe, watermelon, blackberries, sweet potatoes, lemongrass, and a variety of medicinal herbs. Lilly arrived at the restaurant in mud-covered boots, pitching in to help wait tables. Reflecting on their recent struggles, Lilly said, “There are also good things: There is also beauty and hope.”

Plans for the next South Side QFC are slowly developing. Dolcine and Lilly say their biggest obstacle isn’t the political climate, but rather finding time to organize the event with everything else they have going on. “I try not to let these shifts in power influence my state of mind and cause me to be worried or scared,” Dolcine said. “If I want to do a QFC, then I’m gonna’ do it however I can do it.”

Farmer Mental Health Hotlines & Resources

If you or someone you know is struggling with mental health, we encourage you to call or text these hotlines for support:

If you are having a mental health crisis, please call 988, or 911 in case of an emergency.

For resources aimed at queer, trans, and gender-nonconforming farmers, visit:

 

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]]> https://civileats.com/2025/05/14/a-queer-couple-in-texas-organizes-for-farmers-mental-health-and-well-being/feed/ 0 Oregonians Can Now Taste Local Maple Syrup–and Learn to Make It https://civileats.com/2025/04/30/oregonians-can-now-taste-local-maple-syrup-and-learn-to-make-it/ Wed, 30 Apr 2025 08:00:04 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=63735 What is unusual about Smoot’s work is not how it happens, but where. In her role as the executive director of the Oregon Maple Project, she is among the first to make maple syrup in the Pacific Northwest. The Oregon Maple Project is based in the sugarbush of Camp Colton, an outdoor environmental education center […]

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From late November to early March, Ella Smoot can usually be found in one of two places: the forest or the sugar shack. Like all maple syrup producers, her winter is a rush of running sap—cold mornings tapping trees and warm afternoons boiling the clear, watery liquid down to a golden, viscous substance. Though sugaring equipment has evolved over time, the basic process remains unchanged, as it has been practiced for centuries by Indigenous peoples in northeastern North America, from New England up through New Brunswick in Canada.

What is unusual about Smoot’s work is not how it happens, but where. In her role as the executive director of the Oregon Maple Project, she is among the first to make maple syrup in the Pacific Northwest.

“It’s one of the founding reasons of the Oregon Maple Project: to make maple syrup with people.”

The Oregon Maple Project is based in the sugarbush of Camp Colton, an outdoor environmental education center located 45 minutes southeast of Portland. Its 85 forested acres, composed largely of bigleaf maples, as well as fir and cedar, are the traditional lands of the Molalla and Kalapuya people. Though some tribes historically used parts of the bigleaf maple trees for medicinal purposes, it is only in the past few years that the area’s residents have begun tapping the trees for sap.

Eliza Nelson, founder of the Oregon Maple Project, was inspired by her childhood growing up amid sugar maples on the East Coast. She produced her first bigleaf maple syrup in 2018 and founded the Oregon Maple Project two years later, with Smoot joining a year after that. Though thousands of miles from most sugar shacks, they are part of a growing group of bigleaf syrup enthusiasts in the region, actively supporting its continued growth—especially through their Sugaring Collective, which consists of 22 members, drawn together by an interest in local, sustainable food practices.

As international tariffs implemented by the Trump administration affect the flow of foreign imports into the U.S., this interest has taken on a new urgency. Approximately 70 percent of the world’s maple syrup is produced in Canada. While the U.S. produces the remaining 30 percent, our cravings outpace our supply—in the past decade, we have imported more than half of Canada’s total production of maple goods. As imports from Canada are currently subject to a 25 percent tariff, this may change quickly.

The Oregon Maple Project—which produced just 2 gallons of syrup this past winter—can’t come close to meeting national demand, but what the collective offers to its members is more than just a precious, sweet taste of the season: It’s an opportunity to form a more meaningful relationship with their natural surroundings.

Following her fourth sugaring season, Smoot chatted with Civil Eats about her experience as one of the first maple syrup producers in the Pacific Northwest, the differences between bigleaf and sugar maple syrups, and how the traditional practice of sugaring is changing with the climate.

How would you describe the Oregon Maple Project?

a woman wearing a beige green jacket with one hand in her pocket and one hand gesturing as she talks about making your own maple syrup

Ella Smoot explains to the participants of a sugaring workshop how the boiler is used to transform bigleaf sap into maple syrup. (Photo credit: Elena Valeriote)

We’re an educational nonprofit with the mission of inspiring experiential learning, community partnership, and connection to nature through the local production of bigleaf maple syrup. We offer a range of programs for all ages, including workshops to teach about native plants and field trips to get kiddos outside more. The heart of our organization is the Sugaring Collective, which brings together individuals and families in Northwest Oregon who have access to bigleaf maples and an interest in learning how to produce syrup.

How does the maple collective work?

People pay a fee to participate during the sugaring season, and we provide training, equipment, and support throughout this time. We have a group email thread where people are able to ask any questions, any time, like, “What should I do here?” People collect sap from their own backyards and bring it to a community boil, where we then boil it down into syrup.

What do you love most about making your own maple syrup? 

The gathering and the community aspect of it! It’s one of the founding reasons of the Oregon Maple Project: to make maple syrup with people. During the days of boiling, it gets drawn out. It’s a lot of work, but the first boil is always the best day. Through this process, people volunteer in different ways—helping make sure the sap doesn’t start foaming up, chopping wood, adding wood to the fire, thawing sap, checking the tank so that we don’t burn the sap. After all that, we bottle it.  

What are the differences between sugar maple and bigleaf maple trees?

Sugar maples are native to the eastern United States and parts of Canada, while bigleaf maples are native to the Pacific Northwest. We usually tag bigleaf maples in the spring and summer, which is when you can identify them using the flowers and leaves (which are bigger than sugar maples’). We also look at the symmetry of their branching patterns.

A wooden cabin in the woods with smoke billowing on top. People are inside during the wintertime to make maple syrup

Steam rises from the Oregon Maple Project’s sugar shack at Camp Colton as members of the sugaring collective oversee the boiling process, reducing the sap from local bigleaf maple trees down to a dense, flavorful syrup. (Photo courtesy of Oregon Maple Project)

Both are used for syrup, but there are some key differences. Sugar maples thrive in colder climates, where they have more consistent freeze-thaw cycles, and are known for producing sap with a higher sugar content, around 2 to 3 percent. This makes the sap easier to boil down into syrup. In the Pacific Northwest, we have less predictable freeze-thaw weather patterns, and the sap of bigleaf maples has a lower sugar content—about 1 to 2 percent—so we need more sap to produce the same amount of syrup.

What does bigleaf maple syrup taste like, compared to the sugar maple syrup most of us are familiar with?

Bigleaf maple syrup tends to be darker than the amber color of the sugar maple syrup most people are used to. Its flavor is usually described as richer, with a hint of butterscotch and a floral undertone.

We try to boil it to all the same properties of traditional syrup, which is sweet and dense because it has to be 66.7 percent sugar. We make sure ours is that percentage of sugar. It’s hard to get there because it’s really scary to be close to burning it when you’re getting to those higher density sugar levels. But what we found is that because there’s less sugar content in our sap, we need to boil it for longer, which gives it a darker color, plus a more molasses-y flavor.

Have Indigenous traditions connected to bigleaf maple trees or sugaring informed your practices at Oregon Maple Project?

Definitely, and moving forward, a big goal of ours is to figure out how to collaborate more with local Native people. Eric Jones (a professor at Oregon State University and a leader of the region’s bigleaf maple syrup movement) has been reaching out to Native communities trying to figure out more about the local history around bigleaf maples.

a close up image of two metal cans tied onto a mossy tree trunk in a lush pacific northwest forest

Buckets are affixed to bigleaf maple trees to capture the sap, which will then be turned into syrup at the nearby sugar shack. (Photo credit: Elena Valeriote)

For us, Robin Wall Kimmerer’s book Braiding Sweetgrass is really inspiring, especially the chapter on tapping maple trees. In our workshops, we try to share what we know about Native practices, particularly those from the East Coast, where maple sugaring traditions have been passed down for generations.

We follow Honorable Harvest principles, which means taking only what is given, using everything we take, showing respect for the environment, and leaving something behind in return. For example, to make sure we are respecting the trees, we wait until their leaves are fully off at the beginning of the season before we tap. Then, we only tap them one spile per foot of diameter and we’re not tapping all the trees in the area.

We’re also taking a really small amount of sap compared to what the tree actually creates and we try to be super-duper clean so that bacteria doesn’t grow. We remove all the taps once the trees start budding so that they have all of their energy go towards flowering and making seeds.

In terms of giving back, I think it’s the way we’re educating people about how to practice tapping sustainably. Overall, research on the East Coast has shown that sugaring is really sustainable, and there is more research being done at Oregon State University to evaluate if it impacts the lifespan of a tree at all. They’ve done samples on trees that have been tapped thousands of times on the East Coast, and it hasn’t led to anything showing that it disrupts its ability to live a long, healthy life.

How is producing maple syrup different in the Pacific Northwest as compared to the Northeast? Has climate change impacted the possibility of producing maple syrup in these two regions?

The sugar maple industry in the Northeast has a shorter season. Theirs lasts about six weeks in the spring after the deep freeze. For us, it’s late November or early December—whenever the first freeze is—through early March. And while their temperature patterns are more reliable and they’re working nonstop, we’re on and off, paying attention to the weather, collecting whenever there’s a freeze-thaw, then freezing all of our sap, because we don’t usually have enough for a boil. We have to do a lot of cleaning of all of our materials, because when there’s nothing flowing and it gets really warm during the winter, that’s a perfect place for bacteria to grow.

The maple syrup industry in general is interesting because there are a lot of small farm owners and woodland owners, and we serve people with all different political identities. Unfortunately, climate change has become a political identity.

At the Oregon Maple Project, we are curious about how the warming climate will impact the bigleaf maple trees. In Braiding Sweetgrass, Robin Wall Kimmerer talks about how sugar maples are going to start walking up to Canada and colder regions because they really like cold. My inkling is that bigleaf maples are really resilient and they’ll stay here, but as the climate gets warmer, we won’t be able to make as much syrup because we need the freeze-thaw cycle for the sap to run.

Can you describe your work at the start of the sugaring season, and then a typical day when everything is in full swing?

The beginning of the season in November is focused on getting all of our systems up and running, developing curriculum for our educational programs, setting up the equipment for the sugaring season, and waiting for that first freeze.

Then, throughout the sugaring season, from December through March, it’s really just chaos. I’m running programs—we do two field trips every week and workshops on the weekends—but also supporting the Sugar Collective, plus collecting sap and processing it through a reverse osmosis system. Sap is made out of water and sugar, so when you run it through reverse osmosis, it’s separating out the water molecules and the sugar molecules. This allows us to freeze a higher concentrate of sugar sap and that lessens the amount of boiling time that we need to get rid of the water and turn it into syrup.

What does the future hold for the Oregon Maple Project?

We’re hoping to connect with more local Native communities to learn more of the history of this area, to keep growing the educational piece of our programs, and continue sharing the joy of making maple syrup from bigleaf maple trees.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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]]> Will Local Food Survive Trump’s USDA? https://civileats.com/2025/03/19/the-end-of-federal-support-for-local-food/ Wed, 19 Mar 2025 09:00:16 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=62388 It was terrible timing. Jagoz, owner of Moon Valley Farm, grows organic vegetables on 70 acres near Frederick, Maryland, while also acting as an aggregator of produce from about 50 other small farms in the region. By November, the bulk of the Mid-Atlantic harvest had been sold. Despite that, in the months since, she managed […]

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In November, after months of finishing complicated paperwork, developing infrastructure, and building relationships, the pieces were finally in place for Emma Jagoz to start fulfilling a new contract to sell fresh fruits and vegetables to Maryland schools.

It was terrible timing. Jagoz, owner of Moon Valley Farm, grows organic vegetables on 70 acres near Frederick, Maryland, while also acting as an aggregator of produce from about 50 other small farms in the region. By November, the bulk of the Mid-Atlantic harvest had been sold. Despite that, in the months since, she managed to move more than 300,000 pounds of apples and pears, about 10,000 heads of lettuce, and more than 30,000 pounds of broccoli, carrots, sweet potatoes, and squash into hundreds of schools in 12 Maryland counties.

“What this means from a bigger picture is that people are not going to have access to as much local food, and our farmers are already going into debt.”

All of it was enabled by a U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) initiative called the Local Food for Schools Cooperative Agreement Program, which had active contracts in 43 states and was meant to make it easier for schools to serve students fresh food from small farms. The USDA had also funded a related initiative set up to move local farm harvests into food banks, called the Local Food Purchase Assistance Cooperative Agreement Program. The agency had invested more than $1 billion in the two programs since 2020 and was queued up to spend another $1 billion.

Last week, President Trump’s Secretary of Agriculture, Brooke Rollins, canceled both.

The day after the announcement, Jagoz, who has other USDA grant contracts that are also paused, told Civil Eats she couldn’t get a straight answer as to whether she’d be able to finish out the current contract through May, and she was devastated that renewal was off the table.

“I’m heartbroken about this because a lot of these students that we’re serving, this is their only meal in a day,” she said, and she believed replacing the often-processed school meals with fresh food grown nearby undoubtedly provided a nutrient boost. “I care less about the financial hit. I care about it, I’m a business owner, but I’m also a mother,” she said.

The Rise and Fall of New Local-Food Programs

Five years ago, when COVID-19 scrambled the world’s supply chains, leaving grocery shelves bare, Americans turned to small farms in their communities as a more reliable source of nourishment. Those farms had already been expanding due to a movement toward local food as a way to produce healthier, regenerative foods while paying farmers more for their crops and therefore rebuilding a rural America hollowed out by consolidation.

In that moment of crisis, the resilience and adaptability those farms, ranches, markets, and food hubs demonstrated sparked new policies and investments in local and regional food systems. Under President Biden, the USDA became a primary funder, expanding a suite of programs that support regional food systems from seed to processing to plate.

A group of young kids gather around a school salad bar to add to their plates

Students at a Washington, D.C. public school gather around a salad bar. Last week, the USDA cut an initiative called the Local Food for Schools Cooperative Agreement Program, which helped schools receive fresh ingredients from small farms. (Photo credit: Paul Sale/USDA)

Just two months into the Trump administration, that steadily growing ecosystem of producers, processors, and distributors is being bulldozed.

USDA’s cancellation of the Local Food for Schools and Local Food Purchase Assistance programs has garnered headlines, but they are just two of more than a dozen programs supporting small farms and regional food infrastructure that have been impacted.

The agency has also canceled individual contracts—within programs including the Farmers Market Promotion Program and the Local Food Promotion Program—with groups that train young farmers, provide technical assistance to small farms, and help connect small farms to markets in their local communities, based on words like “equitable” appearing in their contracts.

Payments to grantees in the $3.1 billion Partnership for Climate-Smart Commodities Program are paused, and a private contract canceled by DOGE threatens some grantees’ ability to continue. Within some programs—including Organic Market Development Grants, the Resilient Food Systems Infrastructure Program, and the Environmental Quality Incentives Program—payments have started up again for some farmers and groups but not for others. Farmers and farm groups are also waiting to find out if new contracts they spent months working on will be thrown out.

The impacts of pauses and cancellations are widespread, affecting a livestock feed-processing facility in Montana, tribes working on Native food sovereignty in Kansas, a community-supported fishery project in Maine, and many more.

​​At the same time, the agency has worked quickly to distribute “economic relief” funding authorized by Congress last December for commodity farmers. Farmers who grow corn, soybeans, oilseeds, and other row crops will be able to apply for direct payments starting today.

“Let’s not forget that canned food is also wholesome. . . . So that’s always an option as well.”

Some of the grant payments may be unfrozen as USDA continues its review of contracts. Legal challenges have already begun, and others are being considered. But sources told Civil Eats that regardless of what happens next, there will be long-term impacts, especially because all of this is happening at a critical time of year for many farmers and the organizations that support them—a period when crop planning and field prep must be completed to get plants in the ground on time.

“What this means from a bigger picture is that people are not going to have access to as much local food, and our farmers are already going into debt,” said Sadie Willis, the network coordinator for Wisconsin’s Fairshare CSA Coalition.

Democrats in the House and the Senate are pushing back. At a recent Politico event, Senator Tina Smith (D-Minnesota), a member of the Senate Agriculture Committee, condemned the cuts. “Over the last 10 years or so, we have done so much good work at the federal level and at the state level to build connections between local producers and schools in their communities so that kids can have healthy foods and local producers can have markets for the food that they’re producing. This has been highly successful,” she said. “So, I think what they’re doing [now] is completely wrong.”

In response to a similar question about cuts to the program that allows food banks to purchase more local produce, Senator Deb Fischer (R-Nebraska) said that while she supports food banks having fresh food available, “Let’s not forget that canned food is also wholesome. . . . So that’s always an option as well.”

Secretary Rollins has defended the cuts and publicly touted grant cancellations on her Instagram as examples of waste now being eliminated. (A particular grant she pointed to was an award to Agroecology Commons, an organization that trains and provides resources to beginning farmers in the Bay Area.)

Some contract cancellation letters reviewed by Civil Eats state that a given award “no longer effectuates USDA priorities, which are to maximize and promote American agriculture; ensure a safe, nutritious, and secure food supply; enhance rural prosperity; and protect our National Forests.” But advocates for local food say these investments are exactly what is needed to support American health, farm resilience, and rural communities.

“The proof is in the numbers,” said Theresa McCormick, executive director of The Good Acre, a food hub that works with farms in Minnesota, northern Iowa, and western Wisconsin. “What we know from the USDA is that for every $1 that’s moving through The Good Acre, it’s a direct $1.72 benefit to the community,” she said. “Because this type of work has so many stacked and layered benefits, small investments have a big, big, big payoff. When we look at health, when we look at rural economies, when we look at American agriculture and making sure that our small farmers can be competitive and our local farmers can feed our local families, the numbers are there.”

The USDA did not respond to a request for comment or to questions about the status of specific grant programs.

Closing Down a Market Pipeline for Local Farms 

A push to aggregate food from small farms in order to get it into institutions including hospitals, universities, and schools has been in the works for decades, with successes and failures along the way. While Democrats have been the primary champions of policies that support the work over the past decade, some programs, like those that move local food into schools, have had bipartisan support.

USDA grants are meant to help producers and others in the supply chain overcome initial challenges to making it work, like higher costs and complicated logistics that prevent regional growers from being able to compete with the large global companies that dominate a consolidated food system.

One of the biggest hurdles for Moon Valley, Jagoz said, was creating a system that worked for farms and the schools she wanted to sell to. “School menus are written out months in advance, and schools have a massive variability in equipment and staff,” she said. One might not have the kitchen equipment needed to peel and cook and store raw carrots, for example.

Grant funding through the Local Food for Schools program was meant to help defer some of those initial costs so that the local farmers could compete with the easier, low-cost route schools often have to take by ordering packaged, ready-to-heat foods that are often highly processed.

“So, it’s not just the money,” she said. “We’ve built a system that allows farmers to reach schools, using our software and using the contacts we’ve developed.” Some schools may be able to continue to make purchases on their own, but others likely won’t have the budget, she said.

“If this administration truly wants to make America healthy, cutting programs that create reliable markets for U.S. farmers and ranchers and that increase access to fresh produce for children is not the answer,” said Joelle Johnson, MPH, deputy director at the food and health watchdog organization the Center for Science in the Public Interest, speaking to the cancellation of the Local Food for Schools program.

In Minnesota, The Good Acre food hub works with about 150 farms, McCormick said. In 2024, their sales were $3 million, a number that’s doubled since 2021. As the business has grown, the team has been able to leverage federal grants that allow them to sell into food banks and schools to significantly expand their sales to private businesses including restaurants, co-ops, and other retailers. About half of the farmers who started growing for The Good Acre’s farm-to-hunger relief program have also gone on to access larger wholesale market contracts, she said.

“This is truly economic development for our rural communities,” McCormick said.

When Trump came into office, The Good Acre’s current contracts with USDA were frozen, but the agency has since restarted payments to them. At the same time, McCormick is hearing from many farmers and other institutions in the food hub’s network who are still waiting for funds or have had contracts cancelled.

“We’ve heard from so many foundations about, ‘How in the world do you start to plug all the holes?’” she said. Food hubs are going to have to plan differently, she said, “to make sure that we’re not losing so much that we gained from the last crisis we were responding to.”

Blocking the Growth of CSAs

In Madison, Wisconsin, the Fairshare CSA Coalition looks forward to National CSA Week every February.

It’s the nonprofit’s biggest week of the year, said Willis, when small farms all over the country use Fairshare’s resources to mobilize members of their communities to sign up for community supported agriculture shares for the coming season. “We estimate about 2.5 million consumers are reached through CSA Week efforts and could get connected with local farms,” she said.

A group of farmers stand in a farm field listening to a farmer

Farmers tour Choy Division, a CSA farm in Chester, NY, with the CSA Innovation Network. (Photo credit: Sadie Willis/FairShare CSA Coalition)

This year, CSA Week started on February 16. Two days before, Fairshare received a letter from the USDA notifying the team that one of their grant contracts was terminated.

While Fairshare was created by a group of growers to support small-scale local vegetable farms more than 30 years ago, Farmers’ Market Promotion Program grants from the USDA had allowed them to expand their reach nationally in recent years. In 2015, they created the National CSA Innovation Network to act as a public resource for farmers across the country, with marketing materials, webinars, and other tools.

The USDA awarded the most recent grant for $500,000 to the network in October. Fairshare planned to use it to pay for research to inform new marketing materials farmers could use to attract CSA customers and to pay farmers to be part of a committee that would share skills and resources.

Willis said they had only spent 3.5 percent of the grant funds to date. After CSA Week wrapped up, they put all the work on hold. The USDA said the grant was canceled because it was flagged as “diversity, equity, and inclusion programs and activities.” Its title was “CSA for All: Strategic Marketing for Equitable CSA Expansion.”

“It was a really valuable investment of funding to expand the amount of local foods that people across the U.S. would have access to while bolstering the ability for farmers to successfully reach those consumers and have pathways to sell their food through this CSA model,” Willis said.

Eliminating Technical Assistance for Young Farmers

While Fairshare has not had to lay off staff yet, further east in Pennsylvania, Pasa Sustainable Agriculture recently announced it will furlough most of its staff, about 60 people, on April 2.

Pasa had scaled up its staff over the past two years as the lead partner of a $59 million Partnerships for Climate Smart Commodities project to deliver payments to farmers to implement conservation practices in 15 states. Since Trump took office, payments to grantees in the larger program across the country have been frozen; his Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) also canceled a private contract that enabled some of the work to get done.

While the Biden-era grant program was primarily focused on climate action, the regenerative practices it paid farmers for are the same ones that build soil health and therefore farm resilience on other fronts, including helping farmers hold water on their land during drought and preventing erosion during storms and extreme flooding. The ongoing pause is already having cascading effects on small farms selling into local markets and will ripple out even farther if the program is canceled, sources told Civil Eats.

Pasa, for example, is the premier provider of technical support for small farms in the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, and its ability to continue to provide that support is threatened. At the same time, Future Harvest, another Mid-Atlantic farm organization with reach that extends further south, won’t be able to pick up the slack, said Executive Director Grace Leatherman.

Future Harvest has multiple USDA grants. Some payments have been delayed but are still being made, while other grants have been paused. “We’re still waiting for some significant reimbursements for work that we did in quarter four,” Leatherman said. In the meantime, she worries they will have to lay staff off if the situation doesn’t improve.

While the organization’s flagship Beginning Farmer Training Program is safe because it’s being funded by American University this year, she said, other farmer support is at risk.

“If nothing changes, we’re going to have to dramatically limit technical and financial assistance to farmers in terms of soil health and conservation, and we’re really worried about that,” she said, noting that not only will Pasa be providing less help, but the USDA is also cutting staff in local Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) offices.

NRCS employees are USDA’s boots on the ground; they help farmers implement conservation practices and connect them to financial assistance. “Farmers are really going to be looking at a lot less support in the coming year, Leatherman said.”

Local Supply Chains Disrupted

Up on the coast of Maine, Togue Brawn, a fisheries manager by training, was a stranger to USDA grant programs before the agency undertook a recent push to extend support to aquaculture growers and other local seafood efforts.

After discovering that local scallop fishermen were losing out by having to sell their premium products into commercial supply chains, Brawn created Downeast Dayboat to get those fishermen better prices for their products. The company started by buying scallops directly from the dock and shipping them to customers within 24 hours.

“The typical distribution network for seafood does not lend itself to providing high-quality, transparently sourced seafood,” she explained. “My program offers less-expensive, super high-quality domestic seafood, but I also pay fishermen better prices.”

Brawn had always wanted to find a way to sell more of Maine’s local seafood within the region, and in the last few years was inspired by community supported fishery models. In 2023, the USDA awarded her a $350,000 Local Food Promotion Program (LFPP) grant to get her own project off the ground. With that start-up capital in hand, she thought she could build a self-sufficient business that moved more local seafood into communities by the end of the grant contract in October 2025.

“I hired a program director. I set up the website. I have the software. I’ve arranged with some community partners,” she said. In January, the first orders went out and it was time for her to kick promotion of the new sales channel into high gear. Then, payments stopped and her contact at the USDA said they would only be able to reimburse her for money spent before January 20.

Now, she’s in limbo. “I don’t know if I’m going to be compensated for the money that I’ve outlaid. I’ve had to borrow money from my mother,” she said. “Think of the loss in productivity. I’m spending all my time trying to figure out how to fund my business and whether I should lay off my project director. This is not an efficient way to run a business.”

Back in her Maryland fields, Jagoz is thinking similar thoughts. She is in the thick of planning for a busy season ahead and would rather be thinking about transplants and deliveries than whether she’ll have to adjust her crop plan or find new markets for vegetables intended for elementary school students nearby.

“These programs support the health and education of our children, and it’s domestic production for domestic consumption,” she said. Of the new administration’s approach so far, she said, “I don’t really understand it, unless their stated goals are not their actual goals.”

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]]> ‘If You Speak an Indigenous Language, You Are Treated as Less’: Migrant Indigenous Farmworkers Feel Deportation Threat https://civileats.com/2025/03/04/arcenio-lopez-on-the-history-and-struggle-of-indigenous-farmworkers/ https://civileats.com/2025/03/04/arcenio-lopez-on-the-history-and-struggle-of-indigenous-farmworkers/#comments Tue, 04 Mar 2025 09:00:29 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=61766 His grandfathers began traveling to the U.S. under the Bracero Program, which operated from 1942 to 1964, bringing millions of Mexican citizens to work legally in American agriculture and railroads. López himself followed in their footsteps, coming to California in 2003 to work in the strawberry industry. Today, López serves as the executive director of […]

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For three generations, Arcenio López’s family has lived at the mercy of crops, the changing seasons, and the constant shifts of U.S. immigration policy. Born in 1982 in a small village in Oaxaca, Mexico, López comes from an Indigenous family of farmers who have been part of a long-standing migration pattern between Mexico and the United States.

His grandfathers began traveling to the U.S. under the Bracero Program, which operated from 1942 to 1964, bringing millions of Mexican citizens to work legally in American agriculture and railroads. López himself followed in their footsteps, coming to California in 2003 to work in the strawberry industry.

Today, López serves as the executive director of the Mixteco/Indigena Community Organizing Project (MICOP), a nonprofit based in Oxnard and founded in 2001 that assists Indigenous agricultural workers on California’s central coast. The state is home to an estimated 165,000 Indigenous Mexican farmworkers. These workers form an integral part of the agricultural labor force, which totals around 407,300.

California is home to an estimated 165,000 Indigenous Mexican farmworkers.

Over 80 percent of Indigenous farmworkers in California come from Oaxaca, López’s home state, where Mixtecs are a predominant group. In Ventura County alone, where MICOP operates, there are an estimated 20,000 Indigenous Mixteco migrants from Mexico. These communities are among the poorest workers in the region, often earning meager seasonal wages with few, if any, employee benefits.

Most are undocumented immigrants who face unique challenges in the U.S., including language barriers, as many speak pre-Hispanic Indigenous languages rather than Spanish. In the wake of new federal deportation threats, their already precarious status has become even more destabilizing, forcing many to avoid critical services or legal protections out of fear.

We spoke to López about the impact of recent immigration raids in Ventura county, misconceptions about undocumented farmworkers, and prejudice against Indigenous farmworkers in the fields.

What inspired you to become a community organizer?

At first, I didn’t know what a community organizer was. But while I was working in the fields, the first thing I noticed was the division among Mexicans, particularly against Oaxaqueños (people from the state of Oaxaca in Mexico), and how they were treated by other Mexicans. I felt there was a profound lack of knowledge and awareness about the diversity of our own Mexican country, especially regarding Indigenous peoples and our history. I started asking myself, “Why are people treating us as if we were less human for speaking an Indigenous language or because of the way we look? Where is that coming from?”

I connected what I was experiencing in the fields and the agricultural industry here to what I used to hear from my grandmother about her experiences as a farmworker in Mexico. I grew up listening to her stories about her pain, challenges, mistreatment, and the abuses she endured as a farmworker and as an Indigenous woman who never learned how to speak Spanish. I connected her world to what I was living through in 2003. It was a wake-up call for me to see that so much injustice still existed—and nobody was talking about it, at least not in the fields.

When I was recruited as a volunteer by El Concilio (a nonprofit that serves rural, low-income Latino communities), and two years later offered a position as a community organizer, it became an opportunity for me to learn more about social justice, economic justice, environmental justice, and to dive deeply into my own history and learn about colonization.

At that time, I didn’t feel comfortable speaking Mixteco. My parents and grandparents didn’t want their children or grandchildren to speak it because of what they went through—feeling disadvantaged simply for speaking their own languages instead of Spanish. They worked hard to ensure we learned Spanish because they believed it would give us better opportunities than their Indigenous languages ever could. Soon, I found myself in a painful moment because I had to challenge my parents’ and grandparents’ beliefs of assimilating to Mexican culture.

We grew up Catholic, so I had to break down all the ways religion played a role in colonization—how it was used as a weapon to dominate, invade, and kill. I also learned about internalized racism—the self-hatred many of us carry after being discriminated against for so many years. All of this pushed me further into organizing work.

How has migration played a part in you embracing your Mixteco identity and language, claiming your roots?

If I had stayed in Mexico, I don’t think I would be embracing my culture and language for many reasons. One of the main reasons is that the Mexican education system doesn’t encourage you to be critical about yourself or your Indigenous identity. They don’t want you to know your own history.

In Mexico, there is a lot of racism toward Indigenous people—those with brown skin, shorter stature, or those who speak an Indigenous language. If you look more brown or speak an Indigenous language, you are treated as less. That’s how it is. But according to the law and the education curriculum, everyone is supposedly equal—no one is less or more. The system tries to make us homogeneous by erasing Indigenous identities. For example, I never heard of a curriculum in Mixteco, which is my culture, or Zapotec. You just keep going, keep working, learning Spanish, and chasing big goals with the hope that someday you’ll succeed and no longer face discrimination—but that’s not true.

When you cross a border and you feel far from your own land, you find yourself missing your roots. It becomes an invitation to deeply question yourself, “Who am I?” It pushes you to be more critical. I am the grandson of an abuela [grandmother] who worked in agriculture in Mexico. Some people focus more on learning the culture here or mastering English.

But I realized early on that if I don’t claim my roots—my culture and my identity—there’s a high risk I’ll lose myself because I will never fully fit into white culture, no matter what I do. That need for belonging is something I think many of us go through. Not feeling a sense of belonging to certain groups forces you to ask yourself: What community do I belong to?

What struggles for Indigenous farmworkers still exist, two decades after you first came to work in the fields?

Primarily, immigration status. Thousands of Indigenous migrants still have no opportunities for a legal pathway to adjust their status in this country.

Language barriers remain a major issue as well. Many of our people come from rural areas of Mexico and different states where they don’t have access to a formal education. Many don’t know how to read or write. The education system in Mexico is in Spanish and excludes many of our communities. We feel more comfortable in our Indigenous languages—Mixteco, Zapoteco, Purépecha, Triqui—but transitioning into the Spanish-language education system is a barrier that prevents many from attending school at all. As a result, literacy continues to be a significant problem.

“We’ve started seeing agricultural companies and growers becoming concerned about many farmworkers not showing up to work.”

Here in the United States, we face new layers of challenges, such as immigration issues, violations of labor laws and rights, workplace retaliation, and wage theft. Language barriers also make it difficult for workers to access accurate information about their rights or available resources. Misinformation is another issue—there aren’t enough news outlets providing fact-based information tailored to our communities.

Our population is substantial. Yet many companies still lack systems to provide training or support in Indigenous languages for their workers. California has strong labor laws that protect employees, but enforcement is lacking. This makes workers from Indigenous communities especially vulnerable. Even when they know their labor rights, many of our people don’t feel confident or empowered enough to advocate for themselves.

The Trump administration, through U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement (ICE), has deported more 37,000 people during his first month in office—less than the monthly average of 57,000 deportations during Biden’s presidency. In the fields, what has happened or changed since Trump was elected to his second term?

People were hopeful that, even though he said there would be massive deportations, there wouldn’t be a significant difference between his administration and the previous Obama or Biden administrations. But now it feels like his actions have been more aggressive, and it’s all over social media—ICE agents in our neighborhoods. A few weeks ago, people were detained in our neighborhood. Folks got scared and stopped going to work in the fields.

We’ve started seeing agricultural companies and growers becoming concerned about many farmworkers not showing up to work. We’ve also heard that many parents are not taking their children to school. Even at our organization, people who use our services have been canceling their appointments and participation in our programs. We offer different training sessions and groups, but participants have been calling us to say they prefer staying home and asking if we can hold virtual trainings or meetings instead.

Being undocumented means always living in fear. We’ve normalized fear, but it escalates when someone like Donald Trump gets into this position of power.

What are some things that undocumented workers should know under this administration? What rights do they have if they are detained by ICE?

When I get the opportunity to talk to people, I tell them: Let’s take a moment, breathe, stay calm, and approach this with a cold head. All I need to focus on is making a plan for the worst-case scenario.

That said, if you are unfortunately detained, the first thing to remember is: Do not provide any information. You have the right to remain silent. I know it’s hard because agents can be very intimidating—they may yell, scream, and try to get as much information from you as possible. If you carry the red card—the Know Your Rights card—show it to them and say, “I need to talk to my attorney. I’m being detained.”

If they take you to a detention center, do not sign anything, no matter what the paper says. If possible, ask if you can call a family member. Planning and preparation are key here because your family member should already know what to do. They should have the contact information for our offices and should call our hotline to get legal advice. The goal is to find a lawyer who can take your case for removal defense and fight for a bond.

“Imagine the worst-case scenario: All undocumented workers are deported. The agricultural industry would collapse.”

In preparation for this possibility, you need to make a family plan. Decide who will have legal custody of your children and who will pick them up from school if you are detained. There are already many resources available that we’re sharing with our communities. We’re organizing fairs where we’ll bring public notaries to help notarize these plans. That’s what we’re telling our people: Even though they are undocumented, they still have rights

What are some of the most common misperceptions about immigrant farmworkers, especially those who are undocumented?

There’s a perception that undocumented people are abusing the system or taking advantage of public benefits. But the reality is different—they are not taking advantage of all the benefits.

They are paying taxes. All individuals who work here are contributing to this economy as farmworkers. However, the deductions taken from their paychecks on a weekly basis—such as Social Security and Medicare—are benefits they will never be able to access.

Undocumented workers won’t have access to retirement benefits or Medicare when they reach 60 years old because of their immigration status. And many people have no idea that undocumented workers are paying all these taxes without receiving the same benefits in return.

What would happen to the agricultural industry without migrant farmworkers, roughly half of whom are undocumented, according to the USDA? 

I wish we could ask this question to a grower. They likely know that a large percentage of their workforce is undocumented. Imagine if they lost them.

Growers have already been struggling with a worker shortage for the last five to seven years. They started using the H-2A program, which is very similar to the Bracero Program, but it’s not enough to meet their labor needs.

We are also concerned about the H-2A program because it makes workers very vulnerable. Once they are on this side of the border, who knows what happens to those workers? For years, efforts have been made to streamline the process of bringing workers over the border, but growers are still facing significant challenges due to a lack of labor.

Now imagine the worst-case scenario: All undocumented workers are deported. The agricultural industry would collapse. This is the last thing growers need to face. They have a lot of political power, and I hope they are pressuring their leaders to take action.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Arcenio López on How to Support Farmworkers
Farm workers in an okra field in Coachella, CA. (Photo credit: Mario Tama, Getty Images)
    1. Donate to nonprofits that work directly with farmworkers.
    2. Use social media platforms to spread awareness or share a different narrative. The current narrative often criminalizes undocumented people, but farmworkers are mostly good, hardworking individuals. We, as brown and undocumented people, may not always be able to educate others—especially white people—but white allies can educate their peers.
    3. Call local representatives in the [state] Capitol and ask them: What are you doing for farmworkers? How can you stop these raids and ICE operations?
    4. Hold public events to invite others to learn about the agricultural landscape of this state.
    5. If there are marches or protests, it makes a difference when U.S. citizens attend and physically show up to protect those who don’t have the privilege of participating in civil disobedience. Citizens can use their presence to shield vulnerable community members.
    6. Finally, create spaces that are respectful and allow farmworkers to share their own stories—our stories should come from us.
    7. Language barriers make it difficult for workers to access accurate information about their rights or available resources; translate or provide interpreters when possible.
    8. Misinformation is a problem—news outlets can provide fact-based information tailored to our communities. We also have our own media outlet, Radio Indígena, and you can follow us on social media.
    9. Pass the Know Your Rights card to anyone who might need it.

The post ‘If You Speak an Indigenous Language, You Are Treated as Less’: Migrant Indigenous Farmworkers Feel Deportation Threat appeared first on Civil Eats.

]]> https://civileats.com/2025/03/04/arcenio-lopez-on-the-history-and-struggle-of-indigenous-farmworkers/feed/ 1 For Farmers, Fitness Programs Can Improve Mental Health, Too https://civileats.com/2025/02/04/for-farmers-fitness-programs-can-improve-mental-health-too/ Tue, 04 Feb 2025 09:00:39 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=61086 “It wasn’t until I got into strength training that there was a shift in my mindset,” she said. With a new perspective on farming, Flores began to prioritize self-care and be more mindful of her body. As her interest in fitness grew, she started competing in Strongman events, where athletes face off in Herculean challenges. […]

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Cynthia Flores was a farmer for twenty years, and despite doing intense physical labor every day, she never thought of herself as an athlete.

“It wasn’t until I got into strength training that there was a shift in my mindset,” she said. With a new perspective on farming, Flores began to prioritize self-care and be more mindful of her body. As her interest in fitness grew, she started competing in Strongman events, where athletes face off in Herculean challenges. (You can see her on Instagram pulling a horse trailer with nothing but some ropes and her own body weight.) Now a certified personal trainer and licensed massage therapist, Flores works with farmers and farmworkers across the country. “Are you farmers or athletes?” she often asks to kick off her workshops. “You’re athletes, just in overalls,” she answers.

“Are you farmers or athletes? You’re athletes, just in overalls.”

Farmers usually don’t have the same access to specialized trainers and coaches as professional athletes do, so it can be hard for them to get the guidance they need to move safely, build strength, and bounce back from injuries. That appears to be changing, though, partly due to the online fitness boom that emerged during the COVID-19 lockdowns. Flores, who studied kinesiology and outdoor education before becoming a farmer, is one of a small but growing group of fitness professionals dedicated to helping farmers and others in agriculture stay fit and healthy so they can do their work with more ease and less pain.

In 2020, Flores founded Labor-Movement, a small business devoted to helping farmers, fishers, and industrial athletes improve how they move, increase efficiency, and extend their longevity. “A lot of my friends were farmers and they were asking, ‘How do I not get hurt?’ Flores said, explaining that no one she knew wanted to end up hospitalized or unable to help feed their communities during the pandemic. “With the elevation of farmers as essential workers, they began to understand a little more how important their work was,” she said.

Cynthia Flores at Goranson Farm in Dresden, ME. Photo credit: Kelsey Kobik/Labor-Movement)

Cynthia Flores at Goranson Farm in Dresden, ME. (Photo credit: Kelsey Kobik/Labor-Movement)

Labor-Movement started with just a few online workshops during quarantine and has since grown into a full-time endeavor for Flores, who also has an associates’ degree in psychology. Last year, she reached 900 farmers across 18 U.S. states and British Columbia through online and in-person services, including two-hour movement workshops and winter strength training sessions for farmers.

While Flores specializes in body mechanics and movement patterns, other farm fitness specialists are offering everything from high-intensity interval training to Pilates posters and yoga classes.

Many say their programs not only enhance physical strength but also mental well-being, helping those in agriculture better manage the stresses of their lives.

The Link Between Physical and Mental Health

Farmers experience some of the highest levels of job stress and related health issues in the nation, including heart disease and high blood pressure. Persistent stress has been linked not only to chronic diseases and susceptibility to injury, but also to mental health issues like anxiety and depression. Suicide rates for farmers are two to five times greater than the national average.

Mental Health Resources for Farmers

This article discusses issues of stress and suicide within the agricultural industry and efforts aimed at improving mental health. If you or someone you know is struggling, we encourage you to take advantage of these resources for support:

For more resources, visit Farm State of Mind from the American Farm Bureau Federation. If you are having a mental health crisis, please call 988, or 911 in case of an emergency.

 

Research shows that engaging in regular physical exercise can help counter these issues for the general population—and that includes farmers. “There’s really good evidence that vigorous physical exercise dissipates anxiety and anger, and it helps to take one’s mind off of troubling circumstances,” says Michael Rosmann, a farmer and clinical psychologist who serves farm communities. “Farmers who are in good physical shape, or who exercise to get in shape, are linked with longevity, lower cardiovascular problems and less obesity. When you feel good, you’re not suffering, and your mental health is more positive.”

In Flores’ signature workshop, “Athletes in Overalls,” she not only teaches participants how to safely handle farm tasks and perform key movements like squatting and bending. She also covers nutrition, hydration, sleep hygiene, and stress management. “That’s your foundation,” she recently said to a room of about 12 farmers at the Flowering in the North Conference in Maine. “If those things aren’t intact, it doesn’t matter how well you move or how good a farmer you are, things start to fall apart.”

Standing barefoot in black sweatpants and a forest green hoodie, Flores rattled off a list of potential mental and emotional stressors, such as physical stress, money worries, and weather forecasts. She wrapped up her segment on stress management by encouraging her audience to visit websites like Farm Aid to gather resources before they or someone they know is in a mental health crisis.

Flores doesn’t claim to be a mental health expert, but her past as a dairy and vegetable farmer has given her firsthand insight into the pressures of farm life and its impact on both body and mind. Even something as small as leaving the farm for a few hours can be a stressor, she said. That’s why she designed Labor-Movement to be mobile, allowing her to deliver strength training sessions, both in-person and through a digital app, and travel to farms to facilitate her workshops live.

“Initially, I wondered, ‘Can I teach farmers how to move?’ And it turns out farmers are interested in it.” That enthusiasm isn’t universal, though, as some farmers believe their daily routines provide all the movement and exercise they need.

Not All Farm Work Is Exercise

“A lot of times farmers think, ‘Well, I do physical labor, so I’m in good shape,’” said Aaron Yoder, an Environmental, Agricultural, and Occupational Health professor at the University of Nebraska Medical Center in Omaha. Yoder points out that the physical activity involved in modern farming, particularly at large-scale operations, doesn’t necessarily equate to physical fitness.

“Farmers used to walk everywhere,” said Yoder. “Now they hop on something with wheels and a motor on it and drive all kinds of places, so they’re getting less exercise.” Meanwhile, the work they do perform may lack the benefits of focused exercise for building strength, improving heart health and relieving stress.

People unfamiliar with modern farming may find this hard to imagine, as many still have a mental image of agriculture that involves iconic scenes from Hollywood movies of lean farmers and ranchers riding horses, herding cattle, and tending to the land using manual labor.

“Farmers used to walk everywhere. Now they hop on something with wheels and a motor on it and drive all kinds of places, so they’re getting less exercise.”

“That’s really not what agriculture is today, and it can’t be that, or we can’t feed the people we need to feed,” says Tara Haskins, highlighting how modern American agriculture relies on automation to grow food at scale.

Haskins is the behavioral health lead at AgriSafe, an agricultural health care network formed by rural nurses in 2003. She directs the Total Farmer Health Program, launched in 2019 to provide wellness coaching on everything the agriculture business touches, from family to finances to personal fitness.

In visiting producers, she finds that, depending on the scale of their operation, they might spend most of their time driving equipment and running their business from behind a computer. Consequently, they may struggle to get the 150 to 300 minutes of weekly heart-pumping activity recommended by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

“It’s hard to convince a producer when they’re putting in a 12-hour day that they need to find time to exercise,” said Haskins. “The challenge is helping people figure out what they can work into their schedule that doesn’t create more anxiety and burden.”

With this in mind, Amanda Nigg, a personal trainer and fitness influencer with over 100,000 followers on social media (where she goes by @farmfitmomma), designs short and sweaty routines. Research suggests this may offer greater health benefits than longer moderate-intensity workouts.

Nigg’s program launched in 2021 and is all about getting fit right on the farm by making use of tractor tires, grain bin stairs, and other readily available equipment. Her clients engage in a mix of strength, calisthenics and high-intensity interval training for 15 to 25 minutes a day, five days a week and on the best days for them.

“We’re not just giving you workouts that are gonna humble your ass in that time,” she said, “but it’s gonna fit into your schedule because the biggest thing is that farming is a 24-hour job.”

In addition to the physical training, Nigg and the two coaches on her team provide emotional support, using skills like those taught in the “Mental Toughness” course at the National Academy of Sports Medicine, to affirm their clients’ ability to overcome challenges.

AgriSafe’s coaches also take a holistic approach but don’t prescribe specific exercise regimens. Instead, they offer educational resources, like “Ready to Farm,” a collection of free posters and videos that show how to stretch and strengthen muscles used in farming and ranching to prevent injuries. As Haskins explained, losing the ability to work due to injury increases stress, causing financial worries, sleep loss, elevated cortisol levels, and a further decline in overall health. “We try to emphasize that an investment in your physical and mental health is an investment in your business,” Haskins said.

Injuries Take a Mental Toll

Even though not all farmers today are as active as they used to be, they are all still at high risk of getting hurt. Imagine muscle strains and sprains from lifting heavy grain bags or reacting swiftly to animals. Arthritic joints or unrelenting back pain from the repetitive motions involved in picking fruit and stacking hay bales. Cramped muscles or a frazzled circulatory system from absorbing combine vibrations all day during harvest season. Any of these ailments can slow or stop production, exacerbating existing stressors and causing a downward spiral.

Before founding Labor-Movement, Flores tore her meniscus while running after her dog on a farm. At first, she tried to handle the injury on her own but eventually decided to get cortisol shots and then surgery. “It took a lot mentally for me to admit that I was hurting and for me to ask for help,” she said. Her recovery was quick, but when she later tore her rotator cuff, recovery felt “monumental.” She refers to that time as “my dark days.”

A group of people hold a pole behind their back in a movement workshop for farmers

A movement workshop for farmers at Glidden Point Oyster Farm in Edgecomb, ME. (Photo credit: Kelsey Kobik/Labor-Movement)

“Farmers who are injured have more behavioral health problems,” said Rosmann. “They often turn to self-medicating to deal with pain, not just physical pain, but more likely psychological pain.” He adds that the possibility of self-harm increases when the person injured can no longer participate in agriculture, which for some is more a way of life than a job.

According to pre-workshop surveys that Flores distributed last year, three out of five farmers reported having been injured, with each person averaging about 2.8 injuries. “I don’t know anyone who has ever been in pain who has been happy,” she said. While she’s not entirely sure if all the reported injuries are farming-related, she knows many farmers she works with deal with recurring injuries because they didn’t go through proper rehabilitation. With Labor-Movement, she wants to change that. “What if we never had injuries?” she told her workshop audience at the Flowering in the North Conference. “We don’t think about the injuries we never get.”

As they gathered around her in the empty conference room, there was an instant sense of camaraderie as Flores captivated the farmers with her charisma and humor. “What do you want to learn about the body?” she asked, prompting quick responses and callouts: arms, wrists, elbows, bending, crouching, repetitive movements, and back pain. Giggles filled the room as participants twisted from side to side, practicing mobility exercises and correct posture for squatting and lifting to reduce injury potential.

Another helpful resource is the Farmer Daily Stretching Program, a downloadable brochure on the Nebraska outpost of AgrAbility, a USDA-funded project that supports farmers and ranchers with disabilities in 23 states. While AgrAbility mainly focuses on severe disabilities, the program also provides educational resources to reduce common injuries like back pain, which affects about 40 percent of farmers.

In the brochure, a bluejean-clad model demonstrates 18 stretches to target muscle groups and joints important for agricultural work. For Yoder, who’s also on the team at Nebraska AgrAbility, it’s important that these images don’t feature a young, muscular fitness model but a heavyset male in his mid-to-late 50s, who, Yoder says, is meant to resemble the average farmer.

For those who need more motivation than a brochure, Yoder finds that it helps to share relatable stories: One farmer he met would occasionally hop off his tractor in the field to do squats, a convenient way to squeeze in exercise, keep the blood flowing, and prevent injuries. “The lack of mobility from sitting a long time can lead to injuries like slipping and falling when getting out of the tractor,” Yoder explained. He recommends that farmers do the stretches in the brochure to loosen up the body before starting the workday.

Knowing that many farmers played sports in school, he, like Flores, reminds them that they’re still athletes. “Athletes just don’t go and perform all the time,” he said, “they do other things to help strengthen their performance.”

Yoga for Farmers and Ranchers

On the Yellowstone River, south of Billings, Montana, Katahdin sheep rancher Alexis Bonogofsky sits cross-legged on her floor, backlit by a fire in an old-school black wood stove. A shaggy black-and-white dog peeks into the room, curious, and quickly walks away. Bonogofsky looks at her camera and explains belly breathing to viewers as she begins her online class, Yoga for Farmers and Ranchers.

In this five-episode YouTube series, created in 2020 in collaboration with the Quivira Coalition, an educational organization promoting regenerative land stewardship, Bonogofsky teaches yoga postures and mobility exercises that help strengthen and stretch body parts involved in farming and ranching. She focuses on building strength, balance, and mobility in the core muscles—the abdominal wall, glutes, hip flexors, and inner thighs—to create more ease in everyday tasks, like pulling a calf during a difficult birth, stepping up on a tractor, mounting a horse, repairing fences, or lifting heavy objects, a common cause of low-back injury.

Bonogofsky has taught the ancient Indian practice for 13 years, almost as long as she’s been a rancher. She says many are “hesitant” to try yoga because they believe “it’s only for young women who wear yoga pants and are flexible,” a fiction she wants to dispel. Yoga was transformational in her life, giving her a space away from work to nurture herself, and she wanted to give back. “I just thought, ‘How can I bring some of what I’ve learned over the years to people that I think could really benefit from it?’” she said.

Numerous studies have highlighted yoga’s effectiveness in addressing conditions like depression and addiction, offering individuals an outlet for coping through movement and breathwork. Unlike the Western viewpoint that segregates the mind and body, yogis see them as intricately linked to one another.

“If you go to work every day and your body hurts and you’re struggling, it’s not a good place to be mentally,” said Bonogofsky. “I think that part of the mental health issues in rural communities, especially with farmers and ranchers, can come from physical pain.”

Bonogofsky finds that while many ranchers in her orbit live with low-back pain and achy joints, taking time out of the day to tend to their bodies isn’t a cultural norm, she said. Yoga has proven to be a powerful tool for initiating discussions about the effects of stress and caring for the body. “I try to gently say certain things, hoping it makes people stop and think or feel like, “Oh, I’m not the only one experiencing this.”

Farmworkers May Have Different Needs

Laszlo Madaras, who serves as the chief medical officer at the Migrant Clinicians Network and is a former distance runner, said prescribing exercise for farmworkers isn’t always the best advice. Many of the ones he sees in his practice face a different set of stressors than farm owners, he said, especially being required to pick by hand in extreme temperatures, which makes their work physically taxing. In this case, exercise might not relieve stress but create more of it.

A farm worker carries a big container of grapes on top of his head while walking in fields

A farmer in California. (Photo credit: Maguey Images/Getty Images)

“If I’ve been sitting in a combine for 12 hours, yeah, I’m going to go out for a run or walk or bicycle,” he said. “But for the people who are already doing that all day long, I think it’s good to have a different approach.” In an ideal world, Madaras said he would prescribe farmworkers a combination of nutrient-rich food, sufficient hydration, a break during the hottest part of the day, access to an air-conditioned space, and a massage—or any culturally relevant form of relaxation, as long as it provides a mental break from work.

With Labor-Movement, Flores is not just coaching to prevent injuries on farms but to create a holistic culture of care where it’s understood that every body has different needs. Recently, she launched a new nine-month Farm Movement Advocate Program for farms that want to embed injury prevention into their daily operations to keep their crews safe.

“What I feel Labor-Movement is really doing is holding the door open to a conversation about movement health and wellness for people in agriculture,” said Flores. This approach is counter to traditional U.S. farm culture, she says, where the message is that farming is “backbreaking” and getting hurt is simply part of the lifestyle.

“In farming, there’s often an expectation that we must sacrifice our bodies, minds, and overall health for this work, believing that this is what makes us strong,” wrote a client of Flores who wished to remain anonymous. “But Labor-Movement has helped me realize that true strength lies in setting boundaries, being adaptive, and making my well-being a priority alongside my work . . . . [We] farmers must prioritize our health if we want to sustain this work, rather than burning out or wearing down our bodies.”

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]]> Brea Baker on the Legacy of Stolen Farmland in America https://civileats.com/2025/02/03/brea-baker-on-the-legacy-of-stolen-land-in-america/ Mon, 03 Feb 2025 09:00:52 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=60971 Baker was an undergrad at Yale in 2015 when the Black Lives Matter movement—just two years into its existence—started to grow. She began to ask herself, and her grandfather, more questions about her family’s story and their relationship to land, and  saw how that history connected to her student activism. Then, in 2019, her grandfather […]

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Brea Baker remembers spending a lot of time in her grandparents’ New Jersey home with piles of paper everywhere. Her grandfather, Alfred Baker, worked to ensure the family was never tricked out of anything rightfully theirs, considering the precarity of Black land ownership in the American South. Her grandfather stressed the importance of keeping a paper trail, such as receipts for property taxes and deed records to prove ownership.

Baker was an undergrad at Yale in 2015 when the Black Lives Matter movement—just two years into its existence—started to grow. She began to ask herself, and her grandfather, more questions about her family’s story and their relationship to land, and  saw how that history connected to her student activism.

Then, in 2019, her grandfather passed away. She was left with half-opened conversations, but they created enough of a blueprint for her to begin piecing together the Baker family’s multigenerational farming legacy through historical research. Her findings led her to write her debut book, Rooted: The American Legacy of Land Theft and the Modern Movement for Black Land Ownership, in which she lays out the violent expulsion of Black farmers and landowners across the American South.

“We need to get to a place where most Americans finally believe that we need to address the legacy of slavery and start talking about what that would look like.”

Baker’s book is a memoir, a history, and an argument for Black Americans to return to rural life. It reveals the deliberate ways in which agricultural policies and Jim Crow violence harmed the Black land economy, including that of her family. Baker also describes the many land-return and reparations advocacy movements reshaping the conversation around Black and Indigenous land stewardship.

The book opens with a brief history of U.S. governmental policies, starting in the late 1700s, that stripped Indigenous communities of land and wealth. Baker then covers the sharecropping economy and the Great Migration, spanning the mid-1800s through the early 20th century, when Black people transitioned from enslavement to a level of autonomy. Rooted takes us into the present day by laying out the case for reparations as a foundational policy for racial, economic, and environmental justice in the United States.

Today, Baker is a writer, speaker, and anti-racism consultant. When she’s not writing and traveling, she raises chickens and fruits and vegetables like spinach, rhubarb, and tomatoes on an acre of land she shares with her wife and son in Atlanta. We spoke to her recently about the deeply personal and important historical events she’s covered in her book, and her thoughts on where the land justice movement goes from here.

Tell me about your family’s farming legacy and story of land ownership.

I am a sixth-generation Black landowner. The first [Black] person in my family to own land was my great-great-great grandfather, Louis W. Baker, on the paternal side of my family—so we have this longstanding legacy of farming and land ownership.

Louis W Baker had two sons who helped him maintain the farmland in Warren County, North Carolina in the mid-1860s. Generations later, starting around the 1950s, my great-grandfather, Frank L. Baker, lost a lot of land, mostly due to a significant dispossession period during the 20th century for Black farmers and landowners. This was due to predatory property tax increases and debt. As a result, much of that land ended up in the hands of corporations and the state.

My grandfather, Alfred Baker, and many of his siblings ended up traveling north by way of the Great Migration, and that ultimately whittled away at the ability to maintain the farm as a family-owned business.

We do still have something, and that is a beautiful thing. My grandfather spent his entire pension buying more land that he would eventually retire on with my grandmother, Jenail Dunlap, and we [the Baker family] started to bring back the farming. My aunt now lives on that land, growing peppers and leafy greens, and she makes these incredible juices and hot sauce—all from what she grows.

What was the spark that ignited you to turn your activism and family research into a book?

I was learning about my family and feeling so much around Tulsa and [the Wilmington Massacre] and so many other stories. So much of your ability to remain connected to agriculture, and know where your food comes from, depends on growing your own food and on having access to land. [Black people have] been robbed, and no one was talking about it.

“We have so many elders around us; before they become ancestors, talk to them. Ask them about their first experiences on land.”

We continue to dance around it, and there’s been no real commitment to anything connected to reparations, even though many of us have a full record of being defrauded.

I felt like my grandfather died trying to make something happen for our family, and he did. We have this beautiful home and acreage, but there’s this story he wanted to tell, which ended up being the basis for Rooted. 

In your first chapter, you explore the importance of marronage—the act of freeing oneself from slavery and building an independent community. How does marronage manifest in communities today?

Maroon communities created what they wanted to see for themselves. Today, marronage shows up in how we make ourselves independent of the federal government while still holding the government accountable.

There are no real ways to be a non-taxpayer, devoid of federal government. Many of us are still practicing marronage while being citizens of this country and demanding what our citizenship is supposed to include.

The Black Panther Party was an example of a very maroon-like entity providing the things the community lacked. They filled in critical voids, and that was a very powerful thing to do.

We can find marronage in something as simple as community gardens: We’re going to feed and depend on one another, right?

For example, my wife and I get way more eggs than we can use from our chickens. First, we give them to the family and to our neighbors, and then what’s left, we sell at a heavily discounted price to friends and co-workers.

Our neighbors know they can come to us if needed, and they’re looking out for us in return. This is how we grow interdependence, which is what maroon communities have been about.

In this book, you write that during the Reconstruction Era, land-owning Black people had to learn how to not just own the land but also how to commodify it quickly. How did that shift their relationship to land?

There was this immediate need to learn. Commodification is a form of capitalizing off of something, so we start to see the emergence of Black capitalism, of becoming part of this economy to survive.

When we went off of Indigenous wisdom, societies were much more communalist. Agriculture was very valued, but that was simply one’s job in the community, similar to being an educator, a healer, or a doula. [Our] ancestors had to go from that communalism to being the lowest rung of society as a slave, to then finding a way to make a living off [agriculture]. We had to learn how to put a price on one crop versus another, a price that would make sense to white people.

Trying to figure out a space to be a citizen, a business owner, and part of this agri-economy as a Black person was a delicate dance. But our expertise was often overlooked. I know this soil, I know these trees, I know the stars, I know what that wind means. I know when there’s too much water in the air and when there’s too little water in the air. There was so much innate wisdom, but now they [our ancestors] had to learn the psychology [and business] of making a profit while working with unsavory actors.

It required double consciousness, a concept that W.E.B. DuBois spoke to often.

Reparations for Black land theft is a subject you explore in the book, along with Indigenous land rematriation. How do those conversations make space for one another?

First, it starts with Black and Indigenous people being in community with one another more. We also need to look honestly at Black history and Indigenous history in this country and acknowledge that both cultures have always had an abundance mindset regarding land, that there was enough to go around, that it could be held communally and benefit all of us.

“This country was built on Indigenous genocide, on stolen land, on land that our ancestors worked. All of that deserves repair.”

It is a white supremacist idea that only some of us can have land, and the other people should work it. It is a capitalist idea that the people who own the land would not be those who work it.

The pathways to landback and Black reparations can look very different. For example, in Indigenous communities, landback looks like reclaiming larger swaths of land that are still more rural—and that’s much of what is currently happening in the Pacific Northwest. For Black people, reparations can look like government accountability. States like California are leading the way with initiatives such as forming a reparations task force to address the state’s former participation in the slave economy.

We need to get into the nitty-gritty and be open to the tension. Reparations and landback should be multi-pronged approaches, where people can access resources and assets in the form that works for them. Even more importantly, there is a need for both groups to be in solidarity. I do believe we owe each other something—honesty.

How do we work together and make the case for justice simultaneously so that we are not pitted against each other? We could say, Yes, it’s all stolen land that our ancestors worked on. This country was built on Indigenous genocide, on stolen land, on land that our ancestors worked. All of that deserves repair.

The Pigford vs. Glickman case, which resulted in $1.15 billion in settlements for Black farmers in 1999 and 2010, is considered a hallmark case in addressing alleged discrimination by the USDA. What have been the lasting ripple effects of the settlement—good and bad?

I’ll start with the bad to end on a high note. The negative outcome of the case is that many white people believe that those settlements were reparations. Any new addressing of the issue feels like reverse racism.

We ran into that issue in 2021 when the Biden administration attempted to pass debt-relief legislation for marginalized farmers, which includes white women, women of color, and non-Black people of color. It was portrayed in the media to be only for Black farmers. White farmers saw it as a threat that Black farmers were going to be compensated again and reacted by suing for reverse racism, which kept that money tied up in the courts.

For the Pigford settlements, the message that traveled farthest was that Black farmers were getting money. But many Black farmers did not qualify anymore because they no longer owned their land. To qualify, you had to have existing acreage. If you were already bankrupted and had no money, you could not qualify either. And if you didn’t keep specific records of the debt from the decades that case specified, you did not qualify.

One of the good things about the settlements that did go through is that they kept many farms alive. It was the first time that the government acknowledged that they did not do right by Black farmers and attempted to address it. It was also the first time that the government held the USDA accountable.

I believe that about 20,000 Black farmers and families benefited from the settlements. While that is a large number, we still have less than 1 percent of rural land currently owned by Black people. The problem of the widening racial wealth gap and the lack of Black farming families in the South is still not solved.

What do you hope people take away from your book?

I hope that Black people feel seen and excited to talk to their elders, whether those people are biologically related to them or not. We have so many elders around us; before they become ancestors, talk to them. Ask them about their first experiences on land.

We need to hear those stories, understand the fear, and understand why people do what they do so that we know what we’re fighting against and for. We need to get to a place where most Americans finally believe that we need to address the legacy of slavery and start talking about what that would look like.

I would want everyone to leave the book filled with urgency to act. That starts with learning about your family history through projects like Where’s My Land, which helps Black families reclaim stolen land.

It also looks like working to preserve cultural traditions through food, worker-owned land projects, and resource sharing. It also starts with understanding the fact that we’re never going to get to a post-racial America without some form of reparations.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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]]> Apprenticeships Bring a Fresh Generation to Small Dairy Farms https://civileats.com/2025/01/28/for-small-dairy-farms-an-apprentice-can-make-all-the-difference/ Tue, 28 Jan 2025 09:00:29 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=60557 It’s a lot for anyone to handle, Wagner admits, especially for a man approaching his 66th birthday. Thankfully, he has a capable and energetic partner, 25-year-old Jack Schouweiler. Schouweiler, who started out milking cows for Wagner as a teenager and now owns the farm’s herd, has plans to eventually buy the rest of the operation. […]

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Ben Wagner may be a dairy farmer, but that job description is woefully incomplete. He’s also an accountant, squaring the numbers for his central Minnesota farm by hand; a herder, rotating 75 cows between pastures; a crop farmer, raising 300 acres of feed like corn and hay; and a mechanic, repairing the equipment necessary to tend that acreage.

It’s a lot for anyone to handle, Wagner admits, especially for a man approaching his 66th birthday. Thankfully, he has a capable and energetic partner, 25-year-old Jack Schouweiler. Schouweiler, who started out milking cows for Wagner as a teenager and now owns the farm’s herd, has plans to eventually buy the rest of the operation.

Pastured dairy farms are declining at a rate of 5 to 10 percent every year, as older farmers retire without a successor.

On a typical workday, Wagner rises to feed the calves, while Schouweiler milks the cows. Afterward, they turn the herd out onto organically managed pasture, where the animals eat freely from clover, alfalfa, and a blend of perennial grasses like meadow bromegrass, orchard grass, and fescue. Their “got a minute?” check-ins often turn into half-hour conversations on the finer points of rotational grazing or organic pest treatments.

“He’s full of questions, full of curiosity and a lot of drive,” Wagner says. “Sometimes he feels almost like he’s my son, even though we’re not related in any way, shape, or form.”

Pastured dairy farms like Wagner’s are declining at a rate of 5 to 10 percent every year, as older farmers retire without a successor. Meanwhile, new dairy farmers typically can’t afford to buy land or dairy cows. That’s bad news for an industry that could be providing milk, cheese, and other products that are not only nutritious but also good for the land and climate.

Enter the Dairy Grazing Apprenticeship. Since 2015, the DGA, supported by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), has worked to help dairy farmers like Wagner transfer their skills, and potentially their businesses, to a new generation. Nearly 70 apprentices have graduated from the program as independent journeyworkers so far, and 59 farmer-apprentice pairs are currently active across the country, helping ensure a future for grazing dairy cows—and for their benefits to local economies and ecosystems.

The USDA is supporting other elements of the apprenticeship, including research into better understanding the climate benefits of grazed dairy, but it is unclear whether that will move forward under the Trump administration, which is by and large unsupportive of climate initiatives. Either way, dairy graziers—from mentors to mentees—are working to expand the industry and save small farms.

The Benefits of Pastured Dairy

Pasture-based dairies, defined by USDA researchers as those where cows get at least half of their forage from pasture during the grazing season, are a comparative rarity in the United States—just 16 percent of the country’s dairy farms. The majority of the country’s 9.3 million milk cows are raised in herds of 1,000 or more, primarily or entirely confined indoors.

The biggest farms can secure the best interest rates on credit, buy inputs at lower bulk rates, and trim labor costs through technology like robotic milking systems and calf feeders. Those advantages have pushed consolidation, causing over 95 percent of the country’s dairy farms to close since 1970.

A young male dairy farmer wearing a cap and orange shirt stands in front of a metal wall next to an older dairy farming wearing a cap that says organic valley

Jack Schouweiler, left, a dairy apprentice, partners with dairy farmer Ben Wagner, and plans to someday buy the operation from Wagner. (Photo courtesy of Minnesota Board of Water and Soil Resources)

But having fewer, larger dairies is not ideal. Such consolidation is susceptible to market shocks like those caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, often relies on intensive inputs like antibiotics and imported feed, and may emit more greenhouse gases to produce the same amount of milk.

Grazed-dairy operations, on the other hand, can benefit ecosystems, rural communities, and consumer health. Carefully managed grazing, in which cows are rotated through paddocks of perennial grasses, can build soil organic matter and absorb climate-warming carbon dioxide through the grasses’ extensive root systems.

Also, because grazing dairies are generally smaller than confinement dairies, they typically buy more supplies from local businesses, contributing roughly 20 percent more to rural economic development, says Joe Tomandl III, who is DGA’s executive director and the owner of three grass-based dairies in Wisconsin.

What’s more, milk from grass-fed cows contains higher levels of omega-3 fatty acids, which help reduce inflammation, as well as more trace phytonutrients that may have anticancer properties.

Teaching new graziers—farmers who graze cows—is the foundation of realizing those benefits, Tomandl adds. Most land-grant agriculture programs focus on confinement systems, given their prevalence in the industry, so the DGA is one of the few sources that shares pasture-raised dairy skills.

No Shortage of New Graziers

Apprentices in the DGA come from all walks of life, says Jessica Matthews, who manages the program. A graduate herself, she came to the program from the social work field. Some participants are already working in dairy but want to deepen their knowledge and commitment to a grazing approach.

“There tend to be waves of folks that are looking for a second career option, or are maybe burning out in what their chosen profession was, and are interested in doing something that’s closer to working with their hands or working with the land,” Matthews says.

The DGA also recently launched a Spanish-language version of the program, in recognition that over half of the countrys dairy workforce are immigrants, many of them Spanish-speaking. Their participation in the program, let alone in the dairy industry as a whole, might be impacted by immigration policies under the new Trump administration, although it’s too early to know for sure.

A woman farmer stands looking at a field of cows

Jessica Matthews, DGA program manager. (Photo courtesy of Dairy Grazing Alliance)

Interest in the program is strong: The DGA has 59 apprentices and 120 active apprentice candidates. And with 215 approved mentors, there’s capacity to absorb even more would-be graziers.

Many apprentices find the program through online searches rather than traditional agricultural networks. Amber Donaldson had been interested in farming since formative childhood vacations to her grandmother’s farmhouse in rural Pennsylvania, and was raising chickens and rabbits on her own homestead while working day jobs in food service. She stumbled across the DGA website when looking up opportunities for first-generation dairy farmers and has since apprenticed with two Pennsylvania pasture-based operations.

Her first apprenticeship, with mentor grazier Jeff Biddle at Bear Meadows Farm, threw her into a demanding daily routine. Without any previous dairy experience, she was immediately helping milk up to 50 cows a day, bottle-feeding baby calves, and wrestling with wet bales of feed hay in the mid-Atlantic winter. At the same time, she was taking online classes through the Managed Grazing Innovation Center, the program’s academic component, covering topics like agricultural ecology and soil health.

Despite the hard work and often 16-hour days, she fell in love with the dairy life. “It was the most rewarding experience—every day just waking up, coming outside, and working with cows was the best day ever,” Donaldson says. “Before I started working, I kind of thought my approach toward cows and wanting to have that relationship was naive and unrealistic. But I’ve gotten to see that there are farmers out there that value a really personal relationship with each animal.”

After 18 months at Bear Meadows, Donaldson decided to broaden her experience by working with Dave and Terry Rice of Clover Creek Cheese Cellar. She learned a different approach to rotational grazing, as well as the basics of cheesemaking, and now hopes to use what she’s learned to start a dairy business of her own.

Milking the Market

Given the current state of the U.S. commodity dairy industry, where profit margins for milk have been slim or even negative for many years, apprentice graziers need to learn more than just how to raise cows. Mentors help their mentees identify more sustainable paths to running a dairy business, whether through creating value-added products like Clover Creek cheese or selling into the specialty organic market, as Ben Wagner does.

a dairy farmer inside the parlor of a dairy farm, surrounded with a few people watching

Jack Schouweiler, deep in the milking parlor at Ben Wagner’s farm. (Photo courtesy of Dairy Grazing Alliance)

The DGA is supporting those explorations by building a sustainable market for pasture-fed milk, says Tomandl. The organization recently launched a new effort, the Dairy Grazing Alliance, that brings together more than 35 farmers, consumer brands, government agencies, and financial institutions to strengthen the pastured-dairy supply chain. Tomandl envisions creating hubs of small farms, each managed by a graduate of the DGA, that could provide nationally distributed milk brands with the volume they require.

Another initiative, a nearly $4.8 million study backed by the USDA’s Partnerships for Climate-Smart Commodities, aims to help mentors and apprentices communicate the environmental value of their milk. The research uses a sonar system called PaddockTrac, pulled over the fields by an all-terrain vehicle, to measure the growth of grass in pastures and correlate it with carbon sequestration and other ecosystem benefits. Graziers can then take the data to potential milk buyers.

The work has immediate on-farm benefits as well, says Tomandl. “The farmer gets management data on how this farm is growing.” The apprentice benefits too, with “an accelerated learning curve on how these grazing wedges are set up and how to better manage the grass on the dairy. It goes hand in hand.” Plus, participating mentors receive a stipend to help pay apprentice wages.

It’s unclear how the research, slated to continue through 2028, might be impacted by the Trump administration. Its funding was authorized by former Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack, not earmarked by Congress. Brooke Rollins, Trump’s nominee to head the USDA, has denied the scientific consensus that carbon dioxide emissions are planet-heating pollutants.

“While we cannot predict how a new administration might approach this initiative, we believe in maintaining its momentum,” says Aaron Shier, government relations director for the National Farmers Union, which represents more than 200,000 farms and ranches across the country. Continuity across administrations, he adds, means farmers can see their projects through to completion, enabling them to learn from the results and adapt to new situations.

Earning the Trust

Meanwhile, the DGA wants to ensure that existing grazing operations aren’t lost to development or snapped up by large confinement dairies. The average age of a U.S. farmer is 58, and many graziers don’t have family members willing to continue their operations. Apprentices with deep skills and existing relationships with farmers, Matthews says, are perfectly positioned to fill that gap. About a third of the program’s graduates to date have either taken over the farm on which they apprenticed or are working toward that goal.

“Every day just waking up, coming outside, and working with cows was the best day ever.”

Even under the best of circumstances, admits Matthews, it can be challenging for long-time farmers to give up their work. “If they stand at the same place every single day to load a bailer, the concrete has an imprint of the boots that they wear,” she says. “They’re so intricately involved in farming that the mental shift to not farm anymore is really daunting.” To help prepare retiring farmers and apprentices, the DGA recently received another USDA grant to develop best practices for facilitating farm transfers.

Ben Wagner feels a touch of that challenge as he grapples with the changeover of his Minnesota farm to his apprentice Schouweiler. He’s watched as the younger man has added new equipment and pursued new ways of doing things, and he’s still getting used to his new schedule after Schouweiler took over milking duties.

And though the finances of the gradual transfer aren’t as lucrative as a quick sale to an outside investor, Wagner wouldn’t have it any other way. After 20 years of careful pasturing, he’s seen the farm’s soil grow softer and richer, and he’s watched as gophers and earthworms have returned to the land. “Somebody else would come in here with big four-wheel drives and destroy everything, all the soil and all that we’ve build up on it, in three years,” he says.

Instead, Wagner trusts that Schouweiler will continue his legacy of organic, pasture-raised dairy and preserve the soil. He’s grateful for the opportunity to keep his farm in the hands of someone with the same love of the land.

“I would do it over again in a heartbeat, because you see the look on his face,” Wagner says. “There’s a peace, an inner peace, in knowing that somebody’s dream came true. And he’s living the dream.”

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]]> Black Earth: A Family’s Journey from Enslavement to Reclamation https://civileats.com/2024/12/10/black-earth/ Tue, 10 Dec 2024 09:00:46 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=59818 This story was published recently by The Bitter Southerner magazine, in print and online. A preacher and a farmer, the elder Brown knew the chemicals would likely leach into the sandy loam and clay soil of Warren County, located in North Carolina’s northeastern Piedmont region, up near the Virginia border. He knew they could contaminate the water and make residents […]

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This story was published recently by The Bitter Southerner magazine, in print and online.

In the months before Patrick Brown was born in November 1982, his father, Arthur, lay down on a road near the family’s farm to prevent a caravan of yellow dump trucks from depositing toxic soil in his community. The governor of North Carolina had authorized the dumping of the soil, contaminated with polychlorinated biphenyls, or PCBs, which had been linked to cancer, in the rural county.

A preacher and a farmer, the elder Brown knew the chemicals would likely leach into the sandy loam and clay soil of Warren County, located in North Carolina’s northeastern Piedmont region, up near the Virginia border. He knew they could contaminate the water and make residents sick—and like hundreds of his fellow protesters, he believed that his community was being targeted because it was one of the poorest in the state, populated mostly by people of color.

“That’s my dad right there,” says Patrick Brown, 41, pointing on his phone to a black-and-white photo of his father being arrested. Around 55 at the time, Arthur wears a suit, tie, and round spectacles, and he is being carried away by three helmeted police officers, one holding him under each arm, another under his legs. Looking straight ahead, he appears dignified, calm, and self-assured.

Ultimately, the protest was not successful. The state dumped 7,097 truckloads—40,000 tons—of toxic soil in a Warren County landfill. Though the community was forced to live alongside hazardous waste, their actions gained the attention of prominent civil rights and environmental leaders—and ignited the national environmental justice movement.

It raised awareness that polluting industries and toxic waste facilities are often sited in communities of color and established how ordinary citizens can organize to fight back. Many national and international climate-justice actions today, in fact, grew directly out of the model established in Warren County.

The protest also shaped the legacy inherited by the child born a few months later. “That’s how I got my name, PCB—Patrick Chandler Brown,” Patrick says. “I was named after what happened.”

Patrick’s connection to his land in Warren County—and his commitment to building sovereignty for his family and community—stretches back two generations past his father, to his great-grandfather Byron, who was enslaved nearby until the end of the Civil War. Patrick currently operates Brown Family Farms on the land that Byron worked as a sharecropper once he was freed.

In the rural Hecks Grove community—less than a mile from where Robert E. Lee’s daughter Annie Carter Lee was buried after dying at 23 of typhoid fever—the land has a long and complicated history. Patrick Brown, who was named North Carolina’s Small Farmer of the Year by North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University this year, grows almost 200 acres of industrial hemp for both oil and fiber, and 11 acres and several greenhouses of vegetables—beets, kale, radishes, peppers, okra, and bok choy. He also cultivates 75 acres of wheat, 83 acres of soybeans, 65 acres of corn, and 45 acres of hardwoods and pine trees.

On a cloudy morning in April, Brown stands outside the incubation house that holds trays of vegetable starts, each marked with a popsicle-stick label, mapping out the work for the day. The clouds hang dark gray in the sky, and tender new leaves emerge from the towering willow oak  behind the brick ranch farmhouse at the center of the farm’s production area.

At 6 feet, 1 inch, he has large round eyes and a dark beard peppered with gray. He’s serious, measured, and focused, but also kind. Today he wears a dark gray button-up work shirt with two patches on it—one says “Brown Family Farms & Produce, Est. 1865,” the other “Patrick / Owner”—tucked neatly into a pair of black cargo pants. The white soles of his well-worn leather work boots are covered in dirt.

A Black male farmer wearing a trucker hat poses in a profile view holding a bouquet of harvested green kale

Isaiah White harvests kale at his family’s fifth-generation farm in Warren County, where the U.S. environmental justice movement was born in 1982 out of protests over the siting of a hazardous-waste landfill. (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

“Ideally, we’d get this sweet corn in the ground today,” he says, indicating a bag of organic seed and a nearby half-acre plot of loose brown soil. In about a month, the second or third week of May, he will plant almost 200 acres of hemp, the cornerstone of his operation.

In this work with the land, Brown is carrying out acts of reclamation, finding ways to push back against the systems designed to oppress people of color. In a county that was intentionally poisoned—and a world suffering from a changing climate—he is reviving the soil under his feet by transitioning away from pesticide-dependent row crops like tobacco to industrial hemp, which is known to sequester carbon and remediate soil, and using earth-friendly organic and regenerative methods.

And in a region where many residents suffer from diet-related illnesses and do not have easy access to grocery stores selling fresh foods, Patrick offers vegetable boxes through a community supported agriculture (CSA) program, as well as by producing hemp-derived CBD products meant to reduce chronic pain by holistic, non-pharmaceutical methods.

“He is incredibly business-oriented and entrepreneurial, but he is grounded, he’s literally grounded in the earth and the values of Black family life,” says Jereann King Johnson, a Warrenton organizer and cultural historian who has long known the Brown family and hosted Patrick on a public panel discussion about Black land ownership and land loss a couple of years ago. “The values that have been instilled in him from his family—of being a good steward of the land, caring for the community, being a good businessperson—that whole legacy of the Brown family—when you see him and talk to him, he is enshrined in those values.”

In addition to admiring his approach to farming, Johnson respects the way he thinks beyond his own operation and advocates for policies that benefit others, especially young farmers and farmers of color—those the system excludes. “He is a guiding light for young farmers,” she continues. “It’s not just the practice of farming that he is engaged in, but also exploring ways to best pursue resources through America’s bigger farming system.”

Brown’s connection to his land in Warren County—and his commitment to building sovereignty for his family and community—stretches back two generations past his father, to his great-grandfather Byron, who was enslaved nearby until the end of the Civil War.

On top of farming, Brown works full time for the social justice nonprofit Nature for Justice, which helps communities at the front lines of the climate crisis work toward solutions. As director of farmer inclusion, his job is to distribute $1.7 million over five years to farmers of color in North Carolina in order to help them implement regenerative farming methods that sequester carbon and restore soil and ecosystem health. And he serves as chair of the board of the Eva Clayton Rural Food Institute, founded in January 2023 to help deliver healthy food to communities in rural North Carolina.

In 2021, he carried out the ultimate act of reclamation, purchasing the plantation house and surrounding 2.5 acres where his great-grandfather Byron had been enslaved. “Now, I own it,” he says, holding in his palm the weighty set of skeleton keys that unlock the doors of Oakley Grove house and the outbuildings surrounding it.

Over the next few years, he has plans to create a family museum, event venue, and education center for young farmers and farmers of color—ways to honor his family, make extra income, and serve farmers like him. While his ancestors were forced to inhabit this place, he is choosing to, and transforming it into a space that serves his needs.

Farming Through Four Generations

In the early 19th century, Oakley Grove plantation was owned by a medical doctor named Lafayette Browne and his wife, Mary Ann Falcon Browne. At its peak, it was a sprawling 7,000-acre operation that raised tobacco, cotton, and wheat with the labor of more than 175 enslaved people. It was such an agricultural player that the state of North Carolina ran railroad tracks to the property to export its goods up north.

Driving his white farm truck from the plantation house through the former Oakley Grove territory last year, Brown emphasizes its size. From the main house, we drive at 45 mph for 10 minutes, and we’re still on former plantation land. “All of this, on the left side of the road, is all plantation, all the way down here,” he says as we descend a hill. “It was huge. It was huge.” He shudders to imagine the amount of backbreaking work it would have taken to manage all that land without the help of modern-day farm equipment.

After Lafayette died in his early 40s in 1841, his son Jacob managed the plantation alongside his mother—and at one point inherited a young woman of color named Lucinda Fain, who is said to have had very light skin. Exploiting the unequal power dynamic, as was common on Southern plantations, Jacob arranged for Fain to work as a cook in the big house and had multiple children by her. Byron, the first of nine, was born in 1850. Because his skin was fair, he worked in the house, where his grandmother Mary Browne groomed him to become an overseer.

Jacob went on to have many more children by a white woman. While his white descendants spell “Browne” with an “e” on the end—and inherited all of his land and wealth—his descendants of color, as was often the case, were forced to drop the last vowel, and inherited nothing. During our visit, Patrick takes me to a Browne family graveyard tucked back in the woods, which holds the white descendants of Lafayette, Mary Ann, and Jacob. “Watch out for copperheads,” he says, as we make our way through the tall grasses to the granite headstones. “This is where I found out I had a lot of cousins.”

Headstones in the foreground in North Carolina, with a field in the background

The gravesite of Patrick Brown’s parents, Celeste Brown and Arthur Brown, overlooking the family farm. (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

In 1865, when he was 14, Byron was walking through the woods when he ran across a Confederate soldier, who told him that the Civil War had ended and he could no longer be forced to work for free. He returned to the plantation house to share the news with his mother and sister Flora, then fled on foot to the southeast side of Warren County, to the township of Shocco. He found work there as a sharecropper, on a farm down present-day Lickskillet Road.

When the owner of the land where Byron was sharecropping died, he willed Byron at least 10 acres. By the time Byron passed away in 1931, he had accumulated 2,000 acres, on which he grew timber and raised livestock. “My great-great-grandfather looked Caucasian, so he carried himself as if he was,” Patrick says.

When Byron died, he willed 200 acres of land and increments of cash to each of his children, but most of them had migrated north because they “wanted to get as far away from Warren County as they could,” Patrick Brown says. His grandfather, Grover, was the only one who elected to stay and farm—and as a result (to the dismay of his siblings), he inherited a sum of more than $100,000.

Grover established a peach orchard in 1935, and cultivated grain and raised livestock until the late 1970s. On the side, he ran a general store that contained a butcher shop—and even had part ownership of a bodega in Brooklyn, New York.

“My grandfather was a stubborn old man,” Brown says, pointing out a black-and-white photograph of Grover, sitting next to Arthur on a picnic table bench, wearing a suit and tie with his mouth turned down into a sour expression. “He was very business oriented. He never smiled. When he was in the field, he had suits on. He was a people’s person with respect and honor and dignity, but small talk and stuff like that? That wasn’t him.”

Brown’s father, Arthur, was born in 1927. Though two of his fingers were webbed on each hand, he never let that get in the way—and, in fact, played catcher for semi-pro baseball teams. “He never used it as an excuse,” he says.

As a preacher, Arthur—known as “Reverend Doctor A.A. Brown,” or simply “A.A.”—served more than six congregations over 60 years. “Everybody knew him—he was a patriarch in this community,” he says. “He preached a lot of funerals, a lot of weddings; he would preach on Sundays and go to convalescent homes in the evenings. Monday through Friday, it was all farming; Saturday and Sunday was taking care of members of his church, providing some type of support to the community. He just did a lot.”

Larry Hedgepeth, a 70-year-old Black farmer with a white mustache and two gold teeth, rented and farmed Arthur’s land for 15 years after Arthur retired. He still grows soybeans in neighboring Vance and Franklin counties. He describes the reverend as a quiet, gentle man who always looked out for others. “He’d plant watermelons and take them to a person’s house, and if they weren’t home, he’d leave them on the porch. Same thing with butter beans, string beans, and tomatoes,” he says. “He was a community man.”

He was also an activist. In addition to asserting the right of his community to maintain a clean environment by protesting the toxic waste landfill, he was involved with voter registration projects alongside Eva McPherson Clayton, a friend of the Brown family and the first African American woman elected to Congress from North Carolina, serving five terms in the U.S. House of Representatives and holding a post on the Agriculture Committee.

“He was a standout person,” says Clayton, 89, over the phone while tending tomatoes in her backyard garden. “He was not only an advocate for justice, but he was an example of what you do trying to be responsible to have justice. He exemplified good citizenship, he exemplified good business, and he carried on his father’s tradition in farming.”

On the farm, Arthur raised some livestock and vegetables but mostly grew row crops like tobacco. Patrick’s mother, Celeste, was an educator. She served as a high school principal for 11 years and then worked two decades in the schools’ central office.

In 1998, after 52 states and territories signed a settlement agreement with the four largest tobacco companies in the U.S. to resolve lawsuits associated with the cost of treating smoking-related illnesses, Arthur accepted a buyout, distributed by the Golden LEAF Foundation, to help him transition away from the crop. He used the money to pay off the farm loans he had with the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA). A year later, however, he began having strokes—two while atop the riding mower out on the farm—and had to stop working. He began leasing his land to Hedgepeth, who grew tobacco, soybeans, and wheat.

In August 2020, Celeste went to the hospital for a heart valve replacement and died unexpectedly the next day from complications. Arthur passed away in February 2023 at the age of 95. Their joint tombstone, featuring a dove, a cross, and an oval portrait of them together, sits in the cemetery of the brick Union Grove Baptist Church, overlooking the family farm—and, on many days, their son out working the field, following in the footsteps of the three generations before him.

“I see it,” Clayton says. “He is aware that he has the honor, as well as the responsibility, of carrying on the tradition of his parents and his family.”

The PCB Protests—and the Birth of a Movement

Oily in texture and without smell or taste, PCBs are synthetic compounds used in manufacturing transformers and other electrical equipment. And they’re nasty: They have been found to cause cancer, liver damage, skin lesions, and changes in behavior. In fact, the Toxic Substances Control Act banned them in 1979 from further production in the United States.

In the summer of 1978, however, a trucking firm hired by the Raleigh-based Ward Transformer Company took a shortcut in disposing of them. Tasked with recycling 31,000 gallons of PCB-contaminated oil, they instead dripped it—under the cover of darkness—along the roadsides in 14 North Carolina counties, including Warren.

Soon after, under the leadership of Governor Jim Hunt, the state government released its plan to dispose of the contaminated soil scraped up from the roadsides: It would establish a toxic-waste landfill in Warren County. At the time, the population of Warren County was 64 percent Black, the highest percentage of any county in North Carolina. The community most immediately surrounding the landfill site, Shocco Township, was 75 percent Black.

Over vehement community protest, the state moved forward with the plan. As the dump trucks advanced toward the new hazardous-waste landfill with contaminated soil, protestors—including Arthur—lay face up on the pavement of Sulphur Springs and Limer Town roads to block them.

During six weeks of protests, law enforcement officers arrested 523 people.

“I’m very proud of all that he did,” Brown says. “He didn’t have to do that. We’re on this side [of the county], where the dumping wouldn’t really have too much of an effect, but it was an effect for the members of the community that he knew.”

“The protestors of Warren County put the term ‘environmental racism’ on the map,” wrote Dr. Robert Bullard, recognized as the father of the environmental justice movement, in his seminal work Dumping in Dixie, published in 1990. In the early 2000s, the state and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency collaborated to have the landfill site detoxified, for just over $17 million.

Brown sees the government’s dumping of toxic waste in Warren County as connected to the county’s role as a center for Black life. In 1969, Durham attorney and civil rights leader Floyd McKissick developed a plan to transform an old Warren County plantation into a utopian metropolis called Soul City, dedicated to economic equality and empowering Black people.

A close up of a historical sign showing A historical marker in Warren County, North Carolina highlights what started the national environmental justice movement in the United States

A historical marker in Warren County, North Carolina, commemorates the start of the environmental justice movement. (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

On the empty stretch of red clay an hour north of Raleigh—11 miles from the Brown family farm and 8 miles away from what would become the PCB landfill—McKissick planned to build a whole new city: houses, businesses, a school, a health center, tennis courts, etc. He envisioned that by the year 2000, the city would hold a population of 50,000 people and offer 24,000 jobs.

The project started out with a lot of promise. In 1972, President Richard Nixon granted it a $14 million loan guarantee to prepare the land for development. But once North Carolina elected conservative Jesse Helms to the U.S. Senate the same year, things took a turn. A series of articles in the Raleigh News & Observer falsely accused McKissick of corruption and fraud, and the feds withdrew support from the project in 1979. Now, aside from a three-story concrete monolith proclaiming “Soul City” in modern sans serif script at the intended entrance to the community, the place is nearly a ghost town.

In 2021, Brown carried out the ultimate act of reclamation, purchasing the plantation house and surrounding 2.5 acres where his great-grandfather Byron had been enslaved.

“Jesse Helms got elected and stopped the funding from coming in, because he found out that it was mostly for a community for Blacks,” Patrick says. “It was almost like, ‘I’ve got something for y’all—I’m going to dump this toxic waste on you.’ We were already on the map. There’s 100 counties in the state of North Carolina, but you chose our county to continue to pick on.”

Growing up in Warren County—a place that has endured slavery, a utopian dream denied, and the dumping of toxic waste—shaped who Patrick has become. “My environment doesn’t define me,” he says. “It makes me more resilient, and proud.”

Tracy McCurty, executive director of the Black Belt Justice Center, a nonprofit dedicated to supporting Black farmers and landowners in the South, says that as the homeplace of Soul City, Warrenton and Warren County feel special. And, she says, “I see that Patrick, in his own way, is moving the spirit of Soul City forward.”

Early Days in the Tobacco Fields

Growing up in the 1980s and ’90s, Brown helped out on the farm, mostly with the tobacco crop, after school and over summers. When he was nine, he started trucking the tobacco, or driving the loaded tractor from the fields where the hands were harvesting the leaves up to the barns where they were flue cured. “To fill up two barns, it would take us about nine hours,” he says.

When he was slightly older, he would also help the fieldhands top the tobacco, or break the flowers off to encourage the plant to grow wide rather than tall. “You’d get this tobacco wax all over your hands,” he says.

On Saturday mornings, he would join his father at the tobacco auction in Henderson. The two would load a trailer and the bed of their red Chevy with giant sacks of cured tobacco leaves wrapped in burlap. Because the truck and trailer were so full, their German shepherd Nicki would scramble atop the truck’s cab and ride on the roof all the way to the tobacco house.

“Everyone knew that was my dad, because they’d see his truck and his dog,” he says.

They’d drive into the warehouse, where farmers would have their tobacco on display, and unload and unbundle the tobacco, laying it out in piles on open burlap sacks.

The white owner of the tobacco house exuded money and power, Brown remembers. He’d wear brimmed hats, khaki pants, and wide suspenders, and he always had a cigar in his mouth. Patrick enjoyed the scene. At the same time, he saw his father lose out, over and over: The house would buy his tobacco wholesale at a low price, and then Arthur would look on as the auctioneers, with their rhythmic incantations, would drive up the price they were paid by companies like Philip Morris and RJ Reynolds.

The money they were able to take home was just enough. Nevertheless, he says, “Tobacco is what fed and clothed us.”

An aerial view of a former plantation that is now owned by a fifth generation Black farmer in North Carolina

Patrick Brown runs Brown Family Farms in Warren County, North Carolina, on land that his great-grandfather worked. He grows organic vegetables and industrial hemp, as well as wheat, soybeans, and corn. (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

Periodically through his childhood, Arthur would drive Patrick north across the rural county toward the town of Littleton and park the truck in the driveway outside the locked metal gate of the Oakley Grove plantation where his great-grandfather had been born. Together, they would stare at the abandoned but majestic two-story house through the white oak, black walnut, sycamore, and spruce pine trees on its lawn.

“He was educating me,” Patrick says of his father. “He would say, ‘This is where our family ancestry originated, this is the plantation that we came from.’” But while Arthur wanted Patrick to know where his family had started, he did not mention the circumstances of Byron’s tenure at the house. Only at the annual family reunions he attended after high school did Patrick learn from his other relatives that his great-grandfather had been enslaved at Oakley Grove.

“My dad didn’t really talk about slavery much; that’s just something that he didn’t focus on,” he says. “He understood slavery and everything that people had gone through, but his image was his father—and his father was a no-nonsense type of guy that really felt superior to slavery. Grover couldn’t relate to slavery in a way, because he felt like he was born into progress. His father [Byron] was wealthy, and all his kids were entrepreneurs. They didn’t want any association with that property over in Littleton,” says Patrick of his father and grandfather. “While they knew the history, they didn’t relate to it.”

Patrick, however, takes a different view. “Even if that plantation didn’t relate to me and my success in life, I would not be who I am today if my great-grandfather didn’t have to go through that portion of his life,” he says. “I pay homage to all the generations, and I focus to catch up on the things I didn’t focus on as a young person.”

Plus, he says, he feels solidly in a position where he can look at the painful parts of his family’s past straight on. “Now it’s OK to talk about, because now we actually have a little bit of ownership in the process,” he says. “It’s like full circle.”

Breaking Away From the Farm

Though Patrick’s childhood was steeped in farm work, he was not eager to carry on the family business. “Farming for us was like a chore,” he says. “Our payment was food, clothing, and a comfortable place to live. It wasn’t a ‘I get $100 at the end of the week like everybody else was getting paid that worked here.’ I myself wanted to leave here when I turned 18 and graduated from high school and go to college, because I had worked since I was 9 or 10 years old, and I didn’t think that this was all to life that I needed to see. I wanted to make my own way.”

After high school, Brown studied business administration and played football at the nearby Fayetteville State University, then secured a job outside Washington, D.C., as an account executive in the real estate market for the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation Limited. He made good money, but rather than putting it into the farm, he splurged. “I was young, I was in my 20s. I hadn’t made any money like that ever in my life. I was flying to Vegas, I was going to the Caribbean and traveling the world and hanging out with friends,” he says. “I felt independent, but I made dumb decisions.”

At the end of 2008, he was laid off during the recession. He spent just over half a year back at the farm and then got a position as a contract agricultural advisor in Afghanistan. Unlike most Americans in the country, who lived on military bases, he lived among locals in Afghan villages and taught residents how to grow, trellis, and sell grapes—to give them an alternative to growing poppies for the opium trade.

“I wouldn’t say it was a waste of time,” he says, “but I really put my life in jeopardy for something that really wasn’t going to make a difference.” He and his team would return to villages six months after they had left, and the Taliban would be back in control and the villagers back to growing poppies.

A young Black man wearing a white t-shirt stands in a farm field next to a large red tractor truck, looking down at the earth

Patrick Brown’s nephew Justice White pauses while harvesting organic purple kale. Brown thinks a lot about improving the land and the family business in preparation for passing them down to the next generation (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

After a year in Afghanistan, Brown earned a high-level security clearance and was able to get a job with the Department of Defense, which he held for 16 years, until June 2023. The whole time he worked for the government in the D.C. area, Patrick would commute to North Carolina every weekend to help his parents with the farm.

He soon realized that on the farm, he felt alive, and comfortable, in a way he didn’t elsewhere—in a suit, at meetings, jet-setting across the world. “Coming here, where no one knows I’m here—I’m just out here working on my tractor—I’m just enjoying the landscape and the atmosphere and the environment.”

He secured his present job in June 2023, as director of farmer inclusion for Nature for Justice, and has flipped his schedule. Now he spends his weekdays in North Carolina on his farm and traveling the state to speak with other farmers, connecting them with incentives, and his weekends in Virginia with his family, where his wife and their son, born in 2013, still live. It’s a two hour and 52-minute drive from doorstep to doorstep, he says.

While for the last two decades he worked a career job to get by and support his family, “I’m 100 percent ag focused now,” he says. And his full-time Nature for Justice job gives him an advantage that his father, who depended solely on the farm for income, did not have. He can experiment with different crops and approaches and purchase modern equipment to help him do the work.

He realizes he has a huge opportunity in the land that his ancestors stewarded and passed down to him. “I’d be a dummy—which I was for the last 20 years—by not taking advantage,” he says. And the knowledge and experience he developed in college and while working for the government have made him savvy at navigating the system to his own benefit, and the benefit of others working the land.

Opting Out of a Discriminatory System

On a mid-June morning, the farm is a comfortable 77 degrees outside, with an occasional breeze. Small white cabbage butterflies flit among the dandelion weeds and the rows of produce over in the hoop house. A couple hundred feet away, I can see the corn Patrick planted back in April standing now a couple feet tall.

Yesterday, while he was harvesting a field of wheat, the belts in Brown’s John Deere combine seized up, and the giant machine jammed. This morning, while he waits for help, he reaches a pitchfork up into a back compartment of the machine to pull out the straw that got stuck. “Oh, what a day,” he says. “I can’t cut wheat until I get that fixed.”

Meanwhile, across the yard, in the shade of the willow oak, Brown’s two nephews, Justice and Isaiah White—his older sister’s kids, both in their mid-20s, both full-time employees on the farm—sit on overturned buckets in the back of a low trailer amidst a sea of purple kale leaves. The trailer is still hitched to the old orange tractor they used as they harvested two long rows from a nearby field.

Across the road, peacocks shriek. They must be pets? Justice and Isaiah don’t know for sure, but, “If you scream loud enough, they’ll scream back,” Isaiah says, reaching down to select a handful of the deep purple leaves, then clipping their stems and fastening a rubber band around the bundles. A FreshPoint Sysco truck will be picking up as many boxes as they have packed tomorrow morning, so Patrick has asked them to work quickly.

Patrick takes  his position as the steward of his family’s land seriously. “My primary mission is to make sure this land that I inherited has the capacity to generate income in agriculture for future generations—whether it be my nephews, their children, my son, or his children,” he says.

Previous generations relied mostly on commodity crops for their income, but Patrick takes a different approach. One of his key tenets is planting a diversity of specialty crops that can both supply his community with fresh vegetables and create a variety of income streams—and to sell CSA shares at the beginning of the growing season to offset the farm’s upfront costs.

While his predecessors—and most farmers—take out loans or rely on credit to run their businesses, borrowing against their expected harvests to purchase equipment, seeds, and other supplies, Brown has never borrowed money or relied on loans or grants. He has seen firsthand the harm that debt can cause farmers, especially farmers of color.

The USDA has a long history of discrimination in its allocation of farm loans—confirmed by numerous agency-commissioned studies. In the 1980s and ’90s, North Carolina farmer Timothy Pigford and other Black farmers filed a class action lawsuit against the USDA, saying the agency—via its local county committees—would deny Black farmers loans or force them to wait longer for approval than nonminority farmers. Additionally, the suit says, the agency failed to investigate and respond to allegations of discrimination.

Patrick saw his father experience the USDA’s discriminatory lending practices. The agency was frequently slow to approve Arthur’s request for loans and disperse the money. “They would continue to ask for more information, more documentation, in order to feel comfortable giving him a loan each and every year,” Patrick says.

The delays in payment could be devastating. With tobacco as his principal cash crop, Arthur needed to purchase fertilizer before December and prepare the land for planting by February or March. When the loan money was delayed, he would have to fertilize and plant late, and the farm would operate under stress all year, often experiencing low yield—and reduced profits—as a result.

In 1999, a $1 billion settlement was negotiated in the Pigford cases. Claimants were supposed to receive payments soon after, but because of confusing paperwork and processing issues, very few did. Congress appropriated money for an additional round of payouts in 2010 but similar issues abounded.

Last July, the USDA issued $2 billion in financial assistance to farmers it had discriminated against through its lending programs; before that, however, most Pigford claimants had received payouts of $50,000 or less, just a tenth of what an average midsize farm spends in a year, and fewer than 3 percent—425 farmers total—had received the debt relief they were entitled to as part of the lawsuit.

The older Black farmers who were involved with the Pigford cases regret having gotten entangled with the industrial agriculture paradigm and the USDA, says McCurty of the Black Belt Justice Center. “The elders refer to the USDA as the last plantation,” she says. “It really is modern-day sharecropping. It’s entrapment, so they can never have economic autonomy.”

In a region where many residents suffer from diet-related illnesses and do not have easy access to grocery stores selling fresh foods, Brown offers vegetable boxes through a community supported agriculture (CSA) program.

In large part due to the systemic discrimination, the number of Black farmers in the U.S. has fallen precipitously over the last century. Between 1910 and 2017, the percentage of Black farmers declined from 14 percent of all farmers to less than 2 percent. Today, the approximately 40,000 Black farmers remaining in America own less than 1 percent of the country’s farmland. “I can count on one hand the number there are in Warren County that’s still row cropping, not just backyard gardening,” Patrick says. “There’s hardly any of us left.”

And the disparities continue: In 2022, the USDA granted direct loans to only 36 percent of applicants who identified as Black compared with 72 percent of applicants who identified as white, according to an analysis by National Public Radio. That’s why Patrick has opted out of the loan system. “I don’t want to have to be praying and hoping that in order for me to have a good crop in the ground this year, I’ve got to wait for money from USDA to plant on time,” Patrick says. “I saw my dad deal with it. And I promised I would never operate this farm like that.”

In this often hostile environment, the farmers of color who do remain support each other, sourcing produce from one another to fill out their orders and helping each other with broken equipment and other issues.

Hedgepeth comes over in the afternoon to help Patrick fix the combine, which is still clogging up every time Patrick tries to run it down a row of wheat. Patrick adjusts the bolts that control the straw-release door on the back of the machine so it’s open 6 inches wider than it was, and then he and Hedgepeth climb the five-step ladder up front.

Patrick enters the glassed-in cockpit and fires up the machine, releasing a groan and a plume of smoke into the air. As he advances down a new row, Hedgepeth hangs off the side of the deck to see if the combine is releasing the straw onto the ground like it should. He gives Patrick a thumbs up.

Finally, the combine is fixed, and—after a day’s delay—the harvesting can continue. Hedgepeth enters the cockpit and takes the seat beside Patrick. Up high over the field, the two farmers—one older, one younger, both with an intimate knowledge of this land—sit side by side as they run up and down several more rows, leaving a row of freshly cut straw in their wake.

On the ground at the end of the run, Hedgepeth picks up a harvested kernel and examines it closely. He nods approvingly. “I believe that’s as good as you’re gon’ get,” he says.

Farming for Climate

It’s late August, and it’s hot. Sweat drips down my back. I walk with Patrick over fields that several weeks ago held onions, peppers, okra, beans, sugar peas, and other vegetables. His boots crunch over dry soil and dead grass.

“Normally by this time of year, by the second week of August, we’d have fall crops in the ground,” he says. But the fields remain empty. “We’re too afraid that if we put fall crops in the ground like we’ve done the last 15 to 20 years, we’d lose them to heat.”

When Patrick took over the farm, he decided to take it in a new direction. Concerned about the changing climate, Patrick is trying to use his land as a force for good—through strategies that also make financial sense. A key to this approach is growing hemp, which the federal government legalized in 2018 after prohibiting its cultivation for several decades, spurred by the war on drugs and its association with marijuana. (To note: Hemp contains only .3 percent of psychoactive THC and does not produce a high.)

A fast-growing and high-yield plant, hemp suppresses weeds, thrives without fertilizer and pesticides, and requires less water than many other crops. Plus, it sequesters carbon: “Over 90 to 100 days, an acre of hemp sequesters just as much carbon as a pine tree would over 20 years,” Patrick says.

Because North Carolina was among the states that allowed hemp cultivation prior to its federal legalization, Patrick started planting hemp in 2015 for the oil in its flower, used to produce CBD—and he patented a company called Hempfinity, which produces CBD teas, gummies, salves, lotions, and tinctures.

“We wanted to try to figure out an alternative to slow down the use of pharmaceutical drugs, like Oxycontin,” he says. Then in 2018, he began growing industrial hemp for the fiber of its stalks, which can be used to create everything from fabric to building materials. He sells the hemp to BioPhil Natural Fibers in Lumberton, which processes it into woven materials, textiles, and clothing.

Patrick also partners with Patagonia and VF Corporation (owner of The North Face, Vans, Timberland, and JanSport)—which are both interested in developing domestic supply chains for industrial hemp and have commissioned him to help with the research and development of its cultivation. Each year, he sends the companies data on his fields, capturing information on things like plant genetics, stalk densities, soil composition, and the amount of carbon the plants are sequestering.

Because hemp fiber only recently became legal to grow across the U.S., the industry is still in its infancy, and parts of the supply chain—like processing plants—are still few and far between. While Vans sources the majority of the cotton for its canvas shoes from the U.S., most of its hemp comes from China, says Emily Alati, Vans’ director of materials innovation and sustainability.

The company would eventually like to source more of its hemp fiber domestically, from minority farmers in particular, with the hope of increasing the diversity of the farmers in its supply chain. (Most of its cotton growers are white males and around 65 years old, Alati says.)

Brown is proving instrumental in helping the global company figure out how to make this transition and identify gaps in its supply chain, says Alati, who visits Patrick on his farm about once a year. “What I love about Patrick is his willingness to jump into anything new and try it,” she says. “Working with Patrick is helping us understand how we can support and potentially fund minority farmers to embrace regenerative hemp or regenerative cotton, so that we can start to shift our supply chain over time. We don’t know what we don’t know, and Patrick has been so critical in helping us understand.”

A young Black man farmer holds kale in his hands while he's in a large farm field

Justice White, Patrick Brown’s nephew, works full time on the farm with his younger brother Isaiah. The two oversee the cultivation of vegetables for the farm’s Community Supported Agriculture (CSA) program. (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

Brown and I drive less than a minute up the road to visit the closest hemp field to the main farm, the one right downhill from the cemetery at the home church. At full height, the deep green stalks of his hemp plants stand 16 feet tall and pretty thin, about the circumference of a thumb. But because Patrick cut most of this field two days ago, the stalks lay flat and are browning on the ground—drying naturally in a process called dew retting, where the cellular tissue and gummy substances rot away, causing the fiber to separate from the stem. After a week and a half, he will rake the stalks into 4-by-5-foot bales and send them off for processing.

So far, he’s pleased with the new crop. “Hemp puts more into that land than it takes out,” he says. “Every year, my yields are better, and I’m putting less and less into the land. I’m building the soil.” That’s hard to do with a crop like tobacco, because of the amount of chemicals it takes to produce it, he says. With synthetic fertilizer costing up to $900 per ton in 2022 and 2023, the natural feeding of the soil has the added benefit of saving him money and making his farm more profitable, he says.

Beyond growing climate-friendly hemp, he employs numerous farming techniques that benefit the soil and sequester carbon. While he has not invested in obtaining the official USDA certification (which is not worth it financially, he says), he farms his hemp and veggies by organic methods. He fertilizes with compost tea, a mixture he creates of compost and water.

Where he can—in his hemp, wheat, and soybean fields—he does not till the soil, a practice that disrupts its composition and releases carbon. He rotates his crops rather than planting the same thing in each plot every season, which builds soil nutrients and organic matter. And he plants cover crops each winter—barley, cereal rye, hairy vetch, red crested clover, and wheat—rather than leaving fields bare, which can prevent erosion, fix nitrogen, and sequester carbon.

In his shift to climate-friendly ag, Brown has tried to bring other farmers along with him. In 2022, he applied for a USDA Climate-Smart Commodities grant, a project that would connect Black and historically underserved farmers—prioritizing the legacy farmers involved with the Pigford case—with retailers and historically Black colleges and universities. Following the model he has established with his own farm, the idea was to help these farmers transition to climate-smart agriculture and hemp production.

“My environment doesn’t define me. It makes me more resilient, and proud.”

While the USDA did not end up funding the proposal—instead directing a good portion of the grant money to big-ag players like Tyson Foods, which received $60 million—McCurty said the legacy farmers appreciate Patrick’s vision. “The Black farmers, the elders, they love Patrick. I mean, it makes them proud to see the next generation running with the baton. And not just that, but that he reached back to them to show them a pathway out,” she says.

“There can be no justice for Black farmers without justice for the Pigford legacy farmers and what they endured,” McCurty continues. “And what I appreciate is that Patrick went back and really sat with the elders to try to incorporate them into this larger vision he had of restoring the Black agricultural land base through industrial hemp.”

Brown’s day job with Nature for Justice (an organization that did receive Climate-Smart grant money)—which consists of incentivizing Black farmers, 75 so far, to adopt many of these regenerative practices—marries his interests in mitigating climate change, making farming more profitable, and staving off land loss among Black farmers.

Former Rep. Clayton admires Brown’s tenacity and his concern for others, especially new and nonwhite farmers. “He’s willing to push buttons to get things done; he’s willing to advocate at the highest levels open to him,” she says. “He’s getting more new farmers in because he’s willing to fight the battles of equity.”

Purchasing the Plantation

Brown continued his periodic trips to the Oakley Grove plantation house into adulthood. The house was owned by a relative of Mary Falcon Browne until 2001, when the North Carolina Preservation Authority took ownership. In 2020, a Duke University doctor purchased the property under protective covenants from the Authority.

One day, when he was visiting with his young son Clayton, the owner was there, and he and Brown got to talking. The doctor had been collecting family history from the white side of the Browne family. “He was surprised I knew my family history like I did,” Brown says.

Realizing that Brown had a stronger connection to the house than he did, the doctor eventually offered to sell him the house. In May 2021, he purchased it and the 2.5 acres surrounding the house in a private sale. “I was like, ‘Wow, I can’t believe I purchased it,’” he says. At the same time, he came face to face with the ugly realities. “When I first got these keys and documents from the other side of the family—the ledgers, the wills—I saw how they were willing off people like they were merchandise.”

Jerreann King Johnson visited the plantation with Patrick in 2022 after hosting him on the Black-land-loss panel. “When I got out of the car and walked onto the land, under that huge stand of oak trees, I got chills. I could have cried, because I felt like that land was coming back to where it belonged,” she says. “I felt so happy and joyful, knowing that the land, the house, and the property were in Patrick Brown’s hands. I felt so hopeful and encouraged, that this young Black man had the consciousness and foresight to acquire the property.”

The house was built on a high brick foundation and in two parts. The original, humbler part, now the back, was built in 1800. And the more elaborate second part was added in 1859 and attributed to the renowned architect Jacob Holt.

“This is where the Browns started,” he says as we cross the shaded lawn to approach the house. The white paint has worn off of most of the siding, giving the house a distressed look, and while two rows of boxwood bushes line what was once a front walk, the front porch and stairs are missing.

A Black farmer sits on the steps of a former plantation where his ancestor was enslaved

“It’s a breath of fresh air to feel like you own the property that your family was enslaved on.” (Photo credit: Cornell Watson)

We circle around to the back and climb the rotting wooden staircase to the back porch. I carefully place my feet on boards that look like they won’t collapse under my weight. Brown uses the giant gold skeleton keys to open the door. The light inside the house is filtered and subdued.

While the few rooms that had been partially renovated by a previous owner have finished drywall, in most of the house, the original wall interiors—made of lath, or narrow strips of wood, and plaster—are exposed. Boards and long pieces of molding are stacked on the floor and lean against the walls for future use. “All the wood in this house is original,” he says.

Back on his own farm later in the day, Brown reflects on the centuries of people and events that have led him here, to the gently sloping acreage on the far side of the county, to the tractor parked in the side yard, to the hemp growing by his parents’ graves. “I’m thankful for my dad and his father and my great-grandfather for working at what they did so long, to be able to give me access to the land,” he says.

After nearly two decades working mostly off the land, he now feels he’s doing what he was meant for—in the planting, in the harvesting, even in the fixing of the jammed combine. “This is my passion,” he says. “This is where I belong.”

The post Black Earth: A Family’s Journey from Enslavement to Reclamation appeared first on Civil Eats.

]]> A Black-Led Agricultural Community Takes Shape in Maryland https://civileats.com/2024/12/04/a-black-led-agricultural-community-takes-shape-in-maryland/ Wed, 04 Dec 2024 09:00:48 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=59679 And she’s done it all with a sense that—at any moment—it could all be over. Because with farm leases that only cover up to three years at a time, the threat of the landlord selling out to a pricey condo developer has hung over every kale and garlic harvest. Unfortunately, the scenario is a common one. […]

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Since 2012, Gail Taylor has built healthy soil, provided hundreds of local families with fresh tomatoes and turnips, and fostered community on less than an acre at Three Part Harmony Farm in northeast Washington, D.C. Along the way, she’s blazed a trail and spearheaded legislation to enable other urban farmers in D.C. to follow.

And she’s done it all with a sense that—at any moment—it could all be over. Because with farm leases that only cover up to three years at a time, the threat of the landlord selling out to a pricey condo developer has hung over every kale and garlic harvest.

Planting the Seeds of Justice

This article is part of our ongoing series, Planting the Seeds of Justice, in which we focus on the connections between climate, health, soil health, and equity for farmers of color.

Read all the stories in this series:

 

Unfortunately, the scenario is a common one.

Surveys of young farmers running operations like hers have consistently found that farmers rank access to stable, affordable land as a top challenge. For Black, Indigenous, and other farmers of color, it’s an even more formidable barrier. And access to capital is right up there alongside—and intimately tied to—land access.

For more than a decade, those challenges have plagued the movement to energize and equip a new generation of farmers inspired to contribute to climate resilience and healthy, equitable communities. Adding urgency to it all is the fact that the average age of the American farmer keeps creeping up toward 60.

“People told us that the average age of the farmer was getting higher, and we needed to go back to the land so that we could feed people. So, that’s what we did. We learned how to do our job. We got dirty. We fed our community. But as I was owning the business, I started to reach roadblocks,” Taylor said in September, during a tour of the new farm she is establishing with her partner, D’Real Graham.

“People told us that the average age of the farmer was getting higher, and we needed to go back to the land so that we could feed people. So, that’s what we did.”

Some of those roadblocks have finally been cleared from the path, and Spice Creek Farm, on 24 rolling acres about 25 miles southeast of D.C., is the realization of more than 15 years of work. Now, Taylor’s perspective is shifting toward a long, grounded future on land of their own, where she’ll expand her vegetable operation while Graham raises chickens for both eggs and meat.

Just down the street, the couple’s friends and collaborators run Deep Roots Farm, Juniper’s Garden, and Earth-Bound Building, which builds farm structures and was born out of the Black Dirt Farm Collective. “We call it the Black Agrarian Corridor because we’re trying to bring more Black farmers back to this area,” Taylor said. “We really want this to be a hub where people can come and we can support each other in all the ways that are necessary.”

Creative, Collaborative Financing

Without Dirt Capital Partners and Foodshed Capital, this next chapter might not have been possible. The lenders that supported Spice Creek Farm are two of a number of alternative farm finance organizations that have sprung up over the last few decades to support the long-term success of small, regenerative farms. Each—from Steward to Iroquois Valley to RSF Social Finance—uses a different approach to give a leg up to farmers who might not otherwise qualify for financing.

Turnips from Three Part Harmony Farm (left). Gail Taylor and D’Real Graham at Three Part Harmony Farm, their one-acre farm in Washington, D.C. They are now expanding to a bigger farm in Maryland called Spice Creek Farm. (Photo credit: Lisa Held)

Still, it’s a bumpy farm road ahead: no smooth pavement, with deep potholes to navigate around and animals running in front of the tractor. The soil is dead, new markets need to be developed, and for now, she’s planning on continuing to run Three Part Harmony, which will involve a lot of driving back and forth. At the same time, she’s transitioning the D.C. farm to a nonprofit and hopes donations will eventually allow her step away from the day-to-day there.

If Taylor, Graham, and the neighboring farmers can create a resilient, Black-led agricultural community as the planet burns, biodiversity plummets, and the larger food system continues to become increasingly industrialized and commodified, they will have charted a course for others to follow.

“For those of us who call ourselves the ‘return generation,’ I feel like the only way that the ancestors are not laughing at us is if we can be honest with ourselves,” Taylor says. In her family, agriculture skipped a generation after her great-grandfather moved north during the Great Migration to escape violence in Mississippi and find work. “The market forces were pressuring them to get out of this work that we all love so deeply. And so the only way that we are going to make it any different is if we do it a different way.”

Moving to the Country

This moment, Taylor and Graham said during the tour, is the “reimagining period” for Spice Creek Farm.

In an old tobacco barn, Taylor looks at the stacks of sticks farmers used for a century of drying tobacco plants and sees tomato stakes. Ruby and Ivy, fluffy Bernese mountain puppies rolling around in the dirt between Graham’s farm boots, will soon guard chickens from predators.

But first, the soil will need to be brought back to life, having been worn out by decades of tobacco cultivation followed by commodity corn and soybean crops. Graham’s chickens will help here. They’ll diversify the farm’s income streams and deposit their nutrient-dense manure across the landscape while pecking at the dirt, stimulating microbes with their beaks.

One might suppose Taylor makes her lender nervous when she says it may be a few years before the land is ready to support vegetable growth, but Jacob Israelow, founder of Dirt Capital, is impressed with her knowledge and foresight.

The lenders that supported Spice Creek Farm are two of a number of alternative farm finance organizations that have sprung up over the last few decades to support the long-term success of small, regenerative farms.

“I’d imagine a lot of farmland investors want to see numbers on a spreadsheet about how to maximize yield from acreage,” he says. Instead, Israelow and his team are playing the long game. “Gail is clearly envisioning her future on that property for the rest of her life. She’s not like, ‘What can I do next year to maximize my revenue from it? She’s like, ‘What do I need to do to build a relationship with this property so that we can nourish each other for the next several decades?’”

Taylor and Graham began the search for a permanent farm site in a more affordable ZIP code more than a year ago. On top of never knowing how long their land tenure would last in D.C., increasingly, their team was being priced out of living nearby. Taylor heard about Dirt Capital as a means to make the transition to land ownership and was immediately struck by how different the conversation was with them compared to other funders.

For one thing, she said, the Dirt Capital team started by asking, “How much can you pay a month?” They then used that number to design the financing around the land purchase. Taylor and Graham don’t technically own the land—yet. The way it works, Israelow explains, is that Dirt Capital first seeks out what he calls “exceptional land stewards.”

“A lot of times they’re at that influx point of growth where they have that set of experience and their markets established and know what they’re doing, but they need that land security, need additional land to grow, or need a home farm to really secure a base,” he said.

Every project is also assessed based on its ability to deliver across an impact framework that includes interconnected factors like racial equity, soil health, and climate resilience. As the chickens and cover crops bring the soil back to life, for example, the land’s capacity to hold carbon and consistently produce nutritious foods as the weather changes will increase.

A table from the Dirt Capital ten-year impact report that reads:

(Chart courtesy of Dirt Capital’s 10-year impact report)

Dirt Capital buys the land and then leases it a monthly price the farmers know they can afford. The 10-year lease comes with two opportunities to purchase, at five and 10 years. Most importantly, Dirt Capital sets the price the farmers will pay at either of those points in the future based on their purchase price and a set, low appreciation rate. So, whether they make lease payments for five or 10 years, if the market value of the land is increasing (which it generally is), the farmers are building equity.

The investment partnership just celebrated its 10-year anniversary, and by the end of the year expects to have completed 44 projects. Of those, nine farmers are now full owners of their land. These include organic, grass-fed dairy farmers who now own more than 300 acres in upstate New York and an immigrant family from Mexico who now owns their produce farm in New Jersey.

The rest are mostly on their way to ownership. While a few farmers Dirt Capital worked with decided to hang up their hoes or their business went bankrupt, they haven’t yet had a case where the farmers made it to the end of the 10-year term and couldn’t transition to full ownership.

All of it is funded by impact investors, a term for those who are willing to settle for minimal returns so their money can make a difference in the world. They pay Dirt Capital’s fee, Israelow explained. His team works to explore other opportunities that can boost value for farmers, such as conservation easements or community-scale solar.

“We’re investing in support of farmers, but we’re also taking money from them, right? So, every dollar we get from our farmers is a dollar less in their bank account,” he said. While most lenders would try to maximize the money flowing their way, Dirt Capital aims in the other direction. “Part of our goal is profitability and wealth-building for farmers.”

What’s on the Land?

The Dirt Capital model may also serve farmers better than taking on a traditional farm mortgage, Israelow said, because without a ton of debt on the balance sheet, they may be better able to access financing for infrastructure. Because as every farmer knows, land is just the foundation.

“Other farmers drool when they see this barn!” Taylor told the tour participants as she stepped out of the rain into the property’s second barn, already outfitted with a cement floor and electricity. Plastic-covered walk-in coolers ready to be unwrapped and filled with produce and poultry were stacked on pallets. Despite the equipment, the barn felt nearly empty, and Taylor pointed out that the extra space will allow them to bring in crops from their neighbors for cooperative distribution.

Looking out from inside tobacco barn at Spice Creek Farm with wooden rafters and a tractor

Inside the old tobacco barn at Spice Creek Farm. (Photo credit: Lisa Held)

The farm’s many ready-to-use structures were one reason Taylor and Graham jumped at the opportunity to purchase this parcel. Crucially, there is a home for the couple to live in and another building that could be outfitted for worker housing.

Often, farmers need money to create the most basic infrastructure before they can start planting, like digging a well or putting up a fence. Livestock can require more upfront capital compared to vegetables, so when Graham decided to get his poultry operation up and running, the couple turned to Foodshed Capital for help.

Michael Reilly co-founded Foodshed Capital in Virginia in 2018. Since then, the nonprofit Community Development Financial Institution has loaned more than $4 million to farmers and food businesses who work with small, local farms. Nearly two-thirds of that money went to BIPOC farmers.

Foodshed’s loans are also uniquely structured to help farmers. They are either low- or zero-interest, and they are unsecured, meaning the organization doesn’t ask for collateral. That means if a farmer defaults, Foodshed is on the hook, not the farmer.

“What we want to do is not just be providing capital but providing a different kind of capital that is not continuing to be extractive and onerous,” Reilly said. “It’s important for us as the lender to share the risk and let the farmer know that if something just doesn’t go right, as so often happens with farming, that we as their lender are not going to come after them.” Because Foodshed does the work of getting to know the farmer before lending and works closely with them, he said, they’ve only had a handful of cases (out of 138 projects) where they weren’t paid back.

Graham and Taylor borrowed $16,000 to get the poultry operation going, and when an unknown predator wiped out an entire flock last year (hence the puppies), they still paid it back. Now that they’re settling in at Spice Creek Farm and are assessing what will be needed next, Reilly is ready and willing to lend to them again.

Foodshed’s partnership with Dirt Capital has been complementary because Foodshed doesn’t provide loans to buy land. Often, Dirt Capital can help a farmer with the land purchase, and Foodshed can fund the projects that are needed to farm that land.

At Dodo Farms, an organic vegetable farm 70 miles north of Spice Creek Farm, the farmers recently acquired 10.5 acres with the help of Dirt Capital. They got connected with Dirt Capital through Foodshed Capital, which had previously funded their purchase of a farm vehicle. Now that they’ve found a permanent location, Foodshed is helping them fund deer fencing and irrigation.

The Black Agrarian Corridor

When Taylor and Graham were deciding whether to work with Dirt Capital, they paid a visit to Dodo Farms to hear about the farmers’ experience. It’s a small example of the “intentional collaboration” that has always guided her work, Taylor says, despite the fact that people often see her as standing alone in her field.

“This entire time that I’ve owned this farm, this has never been the only thing that I’ve done, and I’ve never only farmed by myself,” she said in November at Three Part Harmony farm, where beets and lettuces still thrived in tidy rows, despite the coming winter.

That sentiment is guiding her next chapter in multiple ways. After recently registering the new nonprofit Three Part Harmony Center for Agriculture, Food, and Learning, she’s hoping to be able to fundraise enough to hire a farm manager to run it. “I always thought this place might live beyond me and take on a life of its own, which would be great,” she said.

Later that morning, Taylor and Graham were headed to one of their neighbors, Juniper’s Garden, to start talking through the coming year. Graham said that 2025 would be a year of testing the waters of collaborative capacity building, joint distribution, and building a food community. Taylor’s also thinking about how to make working the land more manageable as climate change causes temperatures to rise. For instance, she’s looking into ways to minimize outdoor labor aside from harvesting during July and August, when Maryland’s heat becomes dangerous. It’s a lot for one farm couple to figure out, and it’s no coincidence that Spice Creek Farm abuts land that is already being worked by like-minded Black farmers. “We didn’t look anywhere else,” Taylor said.

Not only does she see a future of collaboration among the farmers in this corner of rural Maryland, she wants to feed the people who live here, too. “A lot of people for the last couple of decades had this mentality of, ‘Your customer base is in the city and the farms are in the country,’” she said. At Three Part Harmony, she defied that norm by feeding city residents with city-grown food. At Spice Creek, her vision is to rebuild a once-typical foodshed model that has become a rarity—by feeding her rural neighbors food grown on nearby farms.

Taylor doesn’t relate to the word “success,” and she is skeptical of larger barriers being broken down for farmers like her, barring “a complete, upside-down change to the entire capitalist economy.” What drives her is a simple, long-term vision shared by millions of farmers who tilled this and other parcels of land before her. Now, that vision is rooted in soil she can steward while ensuring it won’t be paved over anytime soon.

“We just want to be able to work hard and enjoy what we do,” she says, looking at Graham. “Step out of our door every day with our dogs and be at work right there in the community.”

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]]> For Farmers Who Depend on the Affordable Care Act, What’s Next? https://civileats.com/2024/11/12/farmers-and-rural-communities-disproportionately-depend-on-obamacare-whats-next/ Tue, 12 Nov 2024 09:00:37 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=58975 One group that will most certainly feel the impacts? America’s farmers and their families. According to a new report, uninsured rates in rural America have been cut nearly in half since President Obama signed the ACA—commonly referred to as “Obamacare”—into law in 2010. It’s one of several findings from researchers at the U.S. Department of […]

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Now that President Trump has won back the presidency and Republicans are likely to control both the House and Senate going forward, their longtime efforts to repeal or water down the Affordable Care Act (ACA) may be back on the table. At the very least, Biden-era subsidies will likely end, making coverage unaffordable again for millions of people.

One group that will most certainly feel the impacts? America’s farmers and their families.

According to a new report, uninsured rates in rural America have been cut nearly in half since President Obama signed the ACA—commonly referred to as “Obamacare”—into law in 2010.

It’s one of several findings from researchers at the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) that have clear implications for farmers and broader agricultural communities—especially in the wake of last week’s election results.

The researchers also found that, while rural residents make up 14 percent of the U.S. population, they account for 17.4 percent of enrollment in federal marketplace insurance plans. Rural Americans also saved more money compared to urban Americans as a result of increased healthcare subsidies authorized in President Biden’s American Rescue Plan (ARP), which made ACA coverage cheaper.

Uninsured rates in rural America have been cut nearly in half since President Obama signed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) into law in 2010.

While there’s no way to know exactly how many farmers are represented in the overall rural numbers, Mike Stranz, the vice president of advocacy at the National Farmers Union (NFU), said there’s no doubt the law has had a positive impact on his organization’s membership.

Access to affordable, quality healthcare has been a top issue for Farmers Union members for decades,” he said. “We’ve been hearing a good bit from our members about how they’ve been able to use and benefit from the exchanges, and having access to those plans has been hugely beneficial.”

David Howard, Policy Development Director at the National Young Farmers Coalition, agreed. “Affordable and accessible health care, along with affordable and accessible mental and behavioral wellness support, are high-priority needs that we consistently hear expressed by farmers and ranchers across our network,” he said in an emailed statement. Even with ACA coverage available, 79 percent of all respondents to their 2022 national young farmer survey identified the cost of healthcare as a challenge.

Most Americans get health insurance through their employers, but since farmers tend to be self-employed, access has historically been challenging. Often, one member of a farm couple takes an off-farm job primarily for the benefits it provides for the family.

The HHS data builds on findings from a report released earlier this year that sliced and diced enrollment data differently, but also pointed to significant positive impacts on farm communities. Instead of rural vs. urban areas across the country, analysts at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation looked at ACA enrollments in the 10 U.S. states where farmers make up the largest proportion of the population—and found uninsured rates declined by about 25 percent in those states since 2014. That number would also be higher except that two of those states, Kansas and Wyoming, rejected ACA Medicaid expansions and saw much smaller declines, pulling down the overall average.

“At a high level, the message is clear: Medicaid and the [ACA] Marketplace are important sources of health insurance coverage in farm states for farmers and their families, rural residents, and others,” the researchers concluded.

Overall, their numbers showed 19–34 percent of the population in the 10 farm states are now covered by ACA plans and Medicaid expansions. Kentucky topped the list at 34.6 percent enrolled, and within congressional districts, some of the numbers were even higher.

“Medicaid and the [ACA] Marketplace are important sources of health insurance coverage in farm states for farmers and their families, rural residents, and others.”

Kentucky’s 5th District, for example, is one of the country’s most rural districts. Farmers there primarily raise poultry and cattle and plant row crops. There, 51 percent of the population relies on ACA marketplace plans or Medicaid expansions. Despite that, voters there have been represented in Washington, D.C. since 1981 by Republican Representative Hal Rogers, who states on his website that “one of the greatest challenges we face in healthcare policy remains the disastrous Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare.” Another Kentucky Republican Congressman, Thomas Massie, is in the pool of possible picks for Trump’s Secretary of Agriculture. Massie voted against a 2017 attempt to roll back some ACA provisions because he believed it didn’t go far enough in fully dismantling Obamacare.

While the official party platform no longer calls for a wholesale repeal, the Republican Study Committee budget proposes ending increased subsidies for coverage (which were extended through the Inflation Reduction Act), “while adopting reforms that reduce premiums and increase access to and choice of care for all Americans.”  At a campaign event earlier this month, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) said massive changes to healthcare were coming and used the phrase “No Obamacare.”

The last time Republicans attempted to repeal the law, farmer groups, including NFU and the National Young Farmers Coalition, rallied to stop them.

Since then, Stranz said, NFU farmers have been working within states to expand and bolster the law’s benefits. For example, in 2022, the South Dakota Farmers Union successfully supported a ballot initiative to get the state to accept ACA Medicaid expansions. And earlier this year, Wisconsin Farmers Union members lobbied their state government to do the same.

As to whether the group will fight any future efforts to dismantle the law, “Farmers Union members adopted grassroots policy that very clearly affirms the right of all Americans to have access to affordable quality health care,” Stranz said. “Even as we want to see improvements to our healthcare system, we certainly don’t want to erode what we currently have.”

Read More:
How ACA Repeal Would Hurt Farmers and Rural Communities
Republican Plans for Ag Policy May Bring Big Changes to Farm Country
For Farmers Grappling with Mental Health, This Fourth Generation Farmer Offers Help

(Kitchen) Cabinet Picks. With the election decided, rumors about who will lead the agencies that oversee the nation’s food system are everywhere. Yesterday, Trump announced former New York Congressman Lee Zeldin will run the U.S. Environment Protection Agency. Earlier this year, Trump was reportedly considering Texas agriculture commissioner Sid Miller to run the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and other names are also in the mix. Now, Massie has risen to the forefront as a potential Secretary of Agriculture, after farmer Joel Salatin posted that a Trump administration team member told him Massie had the job. Salatin, a controversial figure in sustainable agriculture circles who is a proponent of aggressive deregulation and small government, said he has been named an advisor to the Secretary of Agriculture. Meanwhile, speculation continues over whether Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. will be tapped to run the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) or if he will take on some other role in the administration.

Read More:
Can Trump and RFK Jr. ‘Make America Healthy Again’?
The State of Trump’s USDA: A Look Back at 2017

Food and Farming Ballot Measure Results. When voters went to the polls last week, some were faced with decisions around food production and pricing. In Denver, voters rejected a proposal to ban slaughterhouses within city limits, while voters in Sonoma County rejected a controversial initiative to ban Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs). In Berkeley, California, a measure to ban animal agriculture within city limits passed (though it’s largely symbolic, as there are no commercial livestock farms in the city). In South Dakota, voters said no to a ballot option that would have repealed taxes on groceries. Two states voted on whether to end forced labor in prisons, which often involves farming or food manufacturing: Nevada’s voters said yes, while California’s said no.

Read More:
The Fate of Denver’s Last Slaughterhouse is on the Ballot
Incarceration, Abolition, and Liberating the Food System

Food and Ag (and Trump’s Presidency) at COP29. As global leaders meet in Azerbaijan this week for the biggest international climate conference of the year, food and agriculture are on the agenda. November 19 is designated Food, Agriculture, and Water Day and includes a “high-level meeting” of world leaders on reducing methane from food waste. There are several accompanying events for companies and NGOs to attend, but, like last year, almost no attention to the meat and dairy industries—key drivers of food-system emissions. Smallholder farmers who are part of a new alliance called the Family Farmers for Climate Action will be onsite to push for more funding for small family farms and climate justice initiatives.

Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack will participate in three events related to AIM for Climate, the climate-smart farming initiative USDA launched with the United Arab Emirates at COP26. At one, new commitments—including a $100 million investment in “alternative proteins” led by the Bezos Earth Fund—will be announced.

Meanwhile, hanging over the gathering is what Trump’s recent election win will mean for the future of global climate goals. Trump has vowed to once again withdraw the U.S. from the Paris Agreement, and Project 2025 proposes taking that a step further to also withdraw from the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change. Since election day, several climate and environmental groups that work on the food system have vowed to fight Trump’s plans to deregulate. The Natural Resources Defense Council and Earth Justice are both vowing to use established legal pathways to fight environmental rollbacks, while the Ocean Conservancy is calling attention to the need to safeguard ocean wildlife and fisheries.

Read More:
Global Leaders Bypass Real Agriculture Reform Again at COP28 Climate Summit
How Four Years of Trump Reshaped Food and Farming

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]]> What the Latest Farm Census Says About the Changing Ag Landscape https://civileats.com/2024/02/21/what-latest-farm-census-says-about-changing-ag-landscape/ https://civileats.com/2024/02/21/what-latest-farm-census-says-about-changing-ag-landscape/#comments Wed, 21 Feb 2024 09:00:49 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=55383 These are the kinds of data that can be gleaned from the Census of Agriculture, a massive, wide-ranging survey the federal government has been conducting regularly since 1840. Now completed every five years by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)’s National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS), the census asks detailed questions about who is farming, what […]

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Texas has more farms than any other state, but California generates the most money from farming. Young farmers under 35 are more prevalent in northern states. In 2022, nearly 18,000 farms grew blueberries compared to 16,000 farms in 2017.

These are the kinds of data that can be gleaned from the Census of Agriculture, a massive, wide-ranging survey the federal government has been conducting regularly since 1840.

Now completed every five years by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)’s National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS), the census asks detailed questions about who is farming, what they’re growing, and the practices they use, as well as where their farms are located and the economics of it all. Given the essential nature of food and fiber production, it’s crucial to understand as much as possible about the country’s farm landscape, and the resulting data can be then spliced and diced to understand and identify trends and challenges.

For decades, American farms have been disappearing while those that remain have been growing in size. And between 2017 and 2022, that trend picked up steam.

NASS just released the initial, big-picture results from the 2022 Census, which also played a central role at the USDA’s annual outlook forum. (State and county profiles are forthcoming, and additional data on specific topics such as irrigation and aquaculture will also follow later this year.) And while it will likely take a while for the larger ramifications on the future of food, farming, and the climate to truly become clear, some of the top-line changes in this year’s census have big implications. Here are a few initial takeaways.

Farm Loss and Consolidation Accelerated

For decades, American farms have been disappearing while those that remain have been growing in size. And between 2017 and 2022, that trend picked up steam. The overall number of farms decreased by about 142,000. That 7 percent decline “is a larger percentage decrease than what has been seen in the last 20 years,” said NASS’s Bryan Combs. Farm numbers decreased in every size category except one: Those operating 5,000 acres or more. Large farms now control 42 percent of the farmland in the country. From an economic perspective, 75 percent of the country’s total value of agricultural production now comes from farms with $1 million or more in sales.

These conclusions are especially relevant because while previous Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue publicly acknowledged that the system he presided over was mainly designed to help big farms thrive, Secretary Tom Vilsack has said he wants to change that dynamic. Since he took office in 2021, he has tried to simultaneously support large-scale production and the influential companies that drive and profit from it while investing in new markets for small farms and regional infrastructure.

“The question is: Can we do better? Can we aim higher?” he said at the forum, speaking to the loss of farms and continued consolidation. “Can we not only have production agriculture that’s the greatest and best in the world and, at the same time, create an opportunity for small and mid-sized producers to have a way of being prosperous?”

It’s not clear that we can, especially if those large farms continue to grow at the current pace.

More New and Young Farmers, Fewer Black Farmers

America’s farmers are getting older, raising existential questions about who will produce food in the future. Between 2017 and 2022, the average age increased again, from 57.5 to 58.1. However, that number doesn’t tell the whole story, as the number of farmers in the lowest age brackets increased significantly. In 2022, NASS counted an increase of more than 50,000 additional farmers aged 44 or younger. The number of farmers in the census’s “young producers” category increased 4 percent.

There are also signs that some older Americans are getting into agriculture for the first time: The number of “new and beginning producers,” defined as individuals farming for 10 years or less, increased by 11.4 percent and now represents 30 percent of all farmers. Their average age was just over 47.

On a different demographic front, while Vilsack’s USDA has made equity and correcting historic wrongs against Black farmers a priority, their numbers continued to fall during the last census window. The number of farms with Black producers fell by 8 percent, which is just slightly higher than the overall rate of farm loss.

When asked at the forum, Vilsack said he attributed a lot of the losses to the pandemic and pointed to efforts that are ongoing, especially financial assistance programs being administered with American Rescue Plan dollars and investments in local and regional food systems that represent “another opportunity particularly for farmers of color.” USDA also just released an updated equity action plan and is hosting a “National Equity Summit” this week.

Are Solar Panels More Popular Than Cover Crops?

Over the past several years, public, private, and philanthropic funding has been flowing toward helping farmers adopt practices often referred to as “regenerative,” especially planting cover crops and reducing tilling. Given that reality, the officially documented increases in the practices from 2017 to 2022 were relatively paltry. Thirty-eight percent of farms reported using no-till practices, up 1.1 percentage point from 2017. Cover crop acres increased by 2.6 million acres to 18 million total acres, but that’s out of just under 300 million acres of cropland. Meanwhile, the number of certified organic farms decreased (although sales of organic products increased).

One environmentally friendly practice farmers do seem to be embracing is renewable energy: The number of farms with solar panels increased 30 percent, to close to 117,000.

Read More:
Biden Targets Consolidation in the Meat Industry (Again)
How the Long Shadow of Racism at USDA Impacts Black Farmers in Arkansas—and Beyond
What is the Future of Organic?
On-Farm Solar Grows as Farmers See Rewards—and Risks

Digester Push-Back. Environmental and animal welfare groups have long questioned taxpayer support for methane digesters built to capture methane from industrial pork and dairy confinements and feed it into the power grid as “natural gas.” And in the past week, two advocacy groups released reports detailing criticisms of the systems. First, the Center for Food Safety (CFS) published an analysis showing California’s system, which is the most significant source of public funding for the digesters and costs taxpayers 17 times more than state officials claim. “California’s subsidize-and-incentivize approach to livestock methane is costly for taxpayers and lucrative for factory farm gas producers and investors,” Phoebe Seaton, co-director of the Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability, said in a CFS press release.

Then Friends of the Earth U.S. and the Socially Responsible Agriculture Project released their own analysis, which found that dairies with digesters increased their herds 3.7 percent annually, or 24 times the growth rate for overall dairy herd sizes in the states examined. The finding supports a key fault advocates often point to: Because digesters depend on large volumes of manure, their construction could incentivize the growth and consolidation of large industrial facilities, which have other negative impacts on animals, the environment, and communities.

Read More:
Are Dairy Digesters the Renewable Energy Answer or a ‘False Solution’ to Climate Change?
Are Biogas Subsidies Benefiting the Largest Industrial Animal Farms?

Next-Gen Conservation. Last week, USDA announced a new piece of President Biden’s American Climate Corps initiative that will focus on agriculture. Modeled after the historic Civilian Conservation Corps launched in the 1930s, the Working Lands Climate Corps aims to put “at least 100” young people to work on American farms participating in climate-smart agriculture projects. Organizations including nonprofits and state, local, and tribal governments can apply to host corps members through March 8.

Read More:
Young Farmers Are Growing Food for Climate Action and Racial Justice
This Young Climate Activist Has Her Hands in the Soil and Her Eyes on the Future

Dicamba Debacle. On February 6, a federal court stopped the spraying of the controversial pesticide dicamba across millions of acres of cotton and soybeans. Since 2017, the pesticide has caused millions of acres of damage to neighboring farmers’ crops, trees, and other plants due to drift issues. Environmental groups that sued the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) over its approval celebrated what they called a “a sweeping victory.” But agricultural groups quickly sprang into action.

At the National Association of State Departments of Agriculture’s (NASDA) recent conference, ag officials from around the country joined together to encourage EPA to “immediately use all available discretion regarding existing stocks to ensure channels of trade are not disrupted.” EPA just issued an order allowing farmers to spray dicamba that was “already in the possession of growers or in the channels of trade” during the 2024 season, which it estimated at “millions of gallons.” NASDA also asked EPA to “fast-track registration prior to the 2025 growing season.”

Read More:
At Dicamba Trial, Evidence Shows Monsanto Execs Anticipated Pesticide Drift
Beyond Damaging Crops, Dicamba Is Dividing Communities

Country-City Labor Woes. Farmworkers on guestworker H-2A visas in New York say farms are retaliating against them by not inviting them back for additional seasons after they participated in efforts to unionize. A change in state law led to the first farmworker union organized in the state in 2022, and California’s storied United Farm Workers has since started organizing there. In New York’s more urban reaches, a coalition of worker groups released a new report and recommendations to improve conditions for food delivery workers.

Los Deliveristas Unidos won historic protections including a minimum hourly pay rate in 2022, but the group and its allies say that companies like Uber Eats, Doordash, and GrubHub have changed their procedures to adapt to the new reality and penalize workers. The report recommends regulating algorithms and expanding protections such as sick leave and worker’s compensation. “Today, delivery apps are in a race to the bottom and putting New Yorkers at risk,” said Danny Harris, Executive Director of Transportation Alternatives, in a press release. “It’s past time to regulate these delivery apps.”

Read More:
What a Surge in Union Organizing Means for Food and Farm Workers
The Next Frontier of Labor Organizing: Food-Delivery Workers

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]]> https://civileats.com/2024/02/21/what-latest-farm-census-says-about-changing-ag-landscape/feed/ 1 This Group Has Helped Farmworkers Become Farm Owners for More Than 2 Decades https://civileats.com/2024/01/18/this-group-has-helped-farmworkers-become-farm-owners-for-more-than-2-decades/ Thu, 18 Jan 2024 09:00:48 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=55027 But the couple has recently hit a milestone: During their busiest harvest days, they’ve had to hire people to help with their celery crop. “They are people who are really fast at cutting it,” Rojas said, “and we pay them as contractors.” The catalyst that led Huipe and Rojas to segue from farmworkers to farm […]

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Herlinda Huipe and her husband Carmelo Rojas operate Tierra HR Organic Farm on California’s Central Coast. It’s small, so they both still work part time on larger farms, primarily picking strawberries.

But the couple has recently hit a milestone: During their busiest harvest days, they’ve had to hire people to help with their celery crop.

“They are people who are really fast at cutting it,” Rojas said, “and we pay them as contractors.”

The catalyst that led Huipe and Rojas to segue from farmworkers to farm owners is the Agriculture and Land-Based Training Association (ALBA) in Salinas, California, which for more than two decades has offered classes, on-farm training, land, equipment, and business support to aspiring organic vegetable farmers. ALBA has received over $15 million in support from federal grants, local and national foundations, and individual donors in the last 20 years, and more than 220 businesses have launched with the organization’s support since 2001.

In an impact report published last fall, ALBA development director Chris Brown found that more than 10 new farms get started each year and four to six expand beyond ALBA’s land.

Brown also learned that among the 121 alumni farmers who responded to a survey, 77 are still operating a farm business. Meanwhile, others are working in farm-support roles, as intermediaries between farm owners and product buyers and as administrators or business support staff for other farms.

Recently, Brown said, he spoke with one alum who told him “she is helping farmers with marketing because, she said, ‘she’s not as good of a grower.’”

ALBA welcomes anyone, Brown said, but in this region known for growing heavily labor-dependent strawberries and leafy greens, the organization’s focus and greatest impact has been with immigrant farmworkers, mostly from Mexico and Central America. “They want to get away from that lifestyle and farm on their own,” he said.

Huipe and Rojas had the dream but until a friend told them about ALBA, they had no idea how they would even begin the transition. “We are really so grateful to ALBA, and all the people there.” Rojas said recently in Spanish. “They are friendly and always help us.”

A farmer drives a tractor across a field with mountains in the background. (Photo credit: Shawn Linehan Photography, courtesy of ALBA)

One of ALBA’s farmer partners driving a tractor. (Photo credit: Shawn Linehan Photography, courtesy of ALBA)

The impact report also noted that many immigrants enter the program with lots of field experience and sometimes even years operating their own farms before coming to the U.S. But Brown said there are also U.S.-born participants, many of them children of farmworkers, who “tend to enroll in the program at a younger age.”

That’s important because while it’s great to see middle-aged farmworkers create their own businesses, attracting younger people to agricultural careers is especially important, as the average age of the American farmer hovers around 60, and the high cost of land and other capital has kept many young people out of the industry in recent years. And historically, in addition to land, people of color have had a hard time accessing federally funded supports that many long-time farm families have come to expect.

In a 2020 report, the California Department of Food and Agriculture (CDFA) noted that about 23,600 of the 124,400 farmers and ranchers in the state were considered “socially disadvantaged,” meaning they were women and/or people of color. These producers often face language barriers, challenges securing long-term land access, and a lack of engagement with resources from CDFA. ALBA’s goal is to address all of these hurdles.

The ALBA program begins with introductory course work, which Huipe and Rojas completed in 2021. Then, they were invited to farm half an acre of land owned by the organization. The deal also came with equipment they could use, technical assistance from ALBA’s farm manager, and a nearly guaranteed market for their crops through Coke Farm, a local food hub and distributor that works with 70 organic producers. Now, the couple are in the process of expanding to 5 acres.

Land access can be the biggest barrier to getting started in farming—for everyone, but especially for young people, BIPOC farmers, and immigrants. In the growing national conversation about land justice, ALBA stands out.

Jennifer Hashley, director of the New Entry Sustainable Farming Project in Massachusetts, said her group and ALBA were among a handful across the country that have created a framework for “how to help folks get into the business of farming and how to be successful. How to overcome all the intense barriers of access to land, capital markets, fair prices, labor issues.”

As a result, she said newer farm incubator programs have turned to ALBA as an example.

“They really did develop a comprehensive production and training program that sets the bar,” said Hashley. The fact that it combines education—the year-long course called PEPA after the Spanish acronym for Programa Educativo Para Pequeños Agricultores, or Education Program for Small Farmers—with land access and farm supports is one key element of what sets it apart from other programs.

Brown said most farmers who complete the ALBA program are prepared to be on their own.

“By that time, their mettle has been tested. They’re showing potential,” he said. “They’re starting to understand and starting to master the various responsibilities of being a farm owner.”

And he said in the Salinas Valley, he’s beginning to see ALBA alumni working with landowners in creative ways.

“Farmers are finding larger pieces of land that are available for rent and they’re subleasing them,” he said. A landowner might have 100 acres available, which is too much for one new farmer. But together a handful of ALBA alumni can divide up the land for their individual farms. “Landlords are getting more comfortable with that idea,” Brown said.

The work is gradually impacting the number of organic acres and the demographics of farm operators in California and could continue to do so in the future.

CDFA estimates that statewide about 10 percent of California farm acres were operated by people of color in 2020. But that’s according to the 2017 Census of Agriculture, and data from the 2022 census should be forthcoming this year.

Farmers learn to use organic practices at ALBA and the vast majority, Brown said, continue to use them once they’re on their own. That has the added bonus of growing more food with less dependence on fossil fuel-heavy practices, like synthetic fertilizer. The total acres may be small, but using cover crops and rotating what’s grown each year can have climate benefits such as improving soil health, reducing erosion, and preventing toxic runoff.

“A lot of [farmers] said they were completely surprised that they could even do this,” Brown said, referring to running a farm. But these experienced, ambitious, hardworking people are filling a gap in U.S. agriculture as large farms continue to consolidate and long-time farm families see their children move away.

A family farms their land after working with ALBA. (Photo courtesy of ALBA)

A family of ALBA farmers working in their field. (Photo courtesy of ALBA)

“No one’s being realistic about who’s going to farm,” Brown said. “It’s right in front of us, though: farmworkers—83 percent are Latino, there’s like 2 million of them. Probably 2 million, 3 million more in the back of restaurants, on packing lines, cleaning hotels, or whatever. They have that farming experience. They’re connected with it.”

ALBA has positioned itself to give this demographic the lift they need to get started.

“They have the grit and they have the desire,” he said, “and that’s very, very rare in our population today.”

The report found that farms nearly triple in acreage (on average) after leaving ALBA, and most are exclusively growing organic produce. While the independent farms typically rely on Coke Farm for distribution, 18 percent of the farmers reported growing more than 20 different crops, indicating that they are also making “sales through farmers markets or direct sales channels that demand more crop diversity,” the report reads.

Brown said he’s especially pleased that some alumni farms are also now selling produce directly to area schools. ALBA has also built a network of partner organizations that helps the new farms succeed on their own. Ernesto Soto, grower liaison-manager at Coke Farm, said the relationship goes both ways.

“We’re building an ecosystem, right?” Soto said of family-run, organic farms along California’s Central Coast. Coke gets the produce to retailers such as Whole Foods, a market that would be almost impossible for a beginning farmer to crack. “We’re their infrastructure” for things like cooling, packing, and marketing, Soto added. They also help build relationships with buyers.

Brown said the network of supports also includes groups more focused on running the business, such as Kitchen Table Advisors and California Farm Link, which may ultimately help new farms secure loans and navigate the business development piece of running a farm.

After conducting the survey of alumni, analyzing the data, and compiling the impact report, Brown said the conclusion he draws is that ALBA remains open to changing in necessary ways to best serve aspiring farmers. For example, it has joined the Blue Zone Project, a Salinas Valley Health initiative. He said it’s also introduced area nutrition directors to the feasibility of sourcing local, organic produce from small farms.

“We’re a work in progress, still,” he said, “even after all these years.”

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]]> Op-ed: Beginning Farmers Are at a Crossroads. Here’s How the Next Farm Bill Can Help. https://civileats.com/2023/12/14/op-ed-beginning-farmers-are-at-a-crossroads-heres-how-the-next-farm-bill-can-help/ https://civileats.com/2023/12/14/op-ed-beginning-farmers-are-at-a-crossroads-heres-how-the-next-farm-bill-can-help/#comments Thu, 14 Dec 2023 09:00:40 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=54670 In 2013, around the time she was getting the operation off the ground, Prusia secured a cost-share loan through the Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP) that helped her install a system to divert water from the roof of the barn away from the barnyard. In addition to the environmental benefit of “keeping clean water clean,” […]

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April Prusia’s 78-acre heritage hog operation in the Driftless region of Wisconsin has benefited from two forms of financial support from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA).

In 2013, around the time she was getting the operation off the ground, Prusia secured a cost-share loan through the Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP) that helped her install a system to divert water from the roof of the barn away from the barnyard. In addition to the environmental benefit of “keeping clean water clean,” she said the new system helped the barnyard stay drier. “It’s had a positive side effect, a healthier environment for the animals,” she said.

Around 2018, Prusia received a second federal loan, this time from the Farm Service Agency (FSA), specifically geared toward women and minority producers. With this money, she bought an additional 28 acres on which to grow hay for bedding and feed for the pigs. “It allowed me to triple the size of my operation and have healthier animals—they’re up on pasture [on the new land],” she said.

Additionally, converting the additional parcel from an annual to a perennial cropping site has increased the amount of carbon sequestration happening, and she hears more songbirds. Together, these two pots of funding—both made available through the farm bill—helped Prusia establish and expand her farm.

Despite the existence of federal funds, however, Prusia is in a rare boat. According to the National Young Farmers Coalition (NYFC), many new farmers don’t even know such funding exists.

Young and beginning farmers—those who have fewer than 10 years of professional experience—typically operate small-scale farms or those with less than $250,000 in annual income or fewer than 180 acres. BIPOC farmers often fall into the small-scale category as well.

The Farm Credit Administration, the leading loan program under the Farm Service Agency (FSA), reported that small-scale farmers made up just 44 percent of all loan grantees in 2020 even though they represent 90 percent of all farms in the nation. And yet, the definition of “small-scale” is problematic because it also includes hobby farms and other non-commercial operations that can have a diluting effect that prevents some farmers from receiving funds that might be targeted to their specific needs.

“A lot of new and beginning farmers are of a different mindset. We’re thinking more sustainably and regeneratively, thinking outside the monoculture box—about pasture, carbon sequestering, and perennial farming.”

In addition to trouble accessing loans, young, beginning, and historically marginalized farmers face a number of hurdles, the most pressing being a lack of access to secure land, according to NYFC, whose staff interviewed thousands of young, beginning, and BIPOC farmers from across the nation for its latest survey. Without access to land, many of those farmers rely on rented land or work within the confines of urban and suburban spaces.

Prusia has faced this challenge herself. “Having access to affordable land is huge,” she said. “Land prices have gone up substantially in the last 10 years, and there’s a lot of development pressure. Instead of land being used for farming, it is being used to build subdivisions and create urban sprawl.”

Additionally, first-generation farmers often face steep learning curves, and even second-generation farmers face challenges in the early stages of their careers.

With more than 40 percent of American farmland projected to change ownership by 2035, the next farm bill will determine who has access to farmland and technical support—and, therefore how resilient, just, and inclusive the farming landscape is.

The stopgap funding bill signed in November includes a one-year extension on the 2018 Farm Bill, which expired on September 30. As lawmakers deliberate over the bill next year, they will be deciding the shape of land stewardship and agriculture for the next generation—and they have the potential to fundamentally shape the composition of our food system.

“A lot of new and beginning farmers are of a different mindset,” Prusia said. “We’re thinking more sustainably and regeneratively, thinking outside the monoculture box—about pasture, carbon sequestering, and perennial farming. We have to do those things, or we don’t have much time on the earth.”

We’ve made a list of the legislative priorities for agriculture groups supporting young and beginning farmers, including NYFC, according to Climate Campaign Director Lotanna Obodozie.

Farmer-to-Farmer Education Act

Many beginning BIPOC farmers are skeptical of receiving direct training from the USDA due to decades of loan denial, documented discrimination, and a lack of outreach efforts. They would rather talk to farmers and ranchers in their own communities. However, this can place an unfair burden on more experienced farmers, who have their own operations to prioritize.

The bipartisan Farmer-to-Farmer Education Act proposes to compensate farmers who provide technical assistance and mentor to young, beginning, and BIPOC farmers in their communities.

Andrew Bahrenburg, former deputy director of American Farmland Trust (AFT), works with agricultural communities across the United States who stand to benefit from this type of program and believes in the practicality of farmer-to-farmer learning. AFT’s New England team conducted a survey of farmers participating in peer-to-peer training on subjects like reducing tillage and soil health and found that education had the potential to help more farmers adopt regenerative practices.

“The best soil health tests you can get out in the field are from farmers who have . . . experimented with implementing new practices,” Bahrenburg said.

According to the survey, more than half of farmers receive technical assistance from people with whom they have existing relationships. Just one in five farmers prefer technical support from the National Resources Conservation Service (NRCS)—the USDA’s soil health training and support program—over more localized sources.

Increasing financial support for farmer-mentors is important in the Midwest, says Rufus Haucke, an organic produce farmer in Wisconsin and the co-founder of Driftless Curiosity, a land-based learning nonprofit. He says he has also discovered opportunities for funding and technical assistance by joining farmer support groups such as the REAP Food Group.

“That’s how I found out about many of the grants that we ’ve applied for in the last couple of years,” Haucke said.

Increasing Land Access, Security, and Opportunities Act (LASO) 

Taking on too much debt as a beginning farmer can be counterproductive. Introduced in the American Rescue Plan in 2021, the Increasing Land Access, Capital, and Market Access Program is a USDA program designed to help bridge the gap. Last year, the program awarded $300 million in grants to “underserved” farmers involved in more than 50 projects across the United States.

The Increasing Land Access, Security, and Opportunities (LASO) Act would build on the work of the existing program by authorizing an additional $100 million for it every year.

One current grant recipient, the Black Belt Land Access Program, led by the Center for Heirs Property Preservation out of South Carolina, plans to use its money to build on its existing goals to strengthen the property rights of underserved farmers in Texas, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Alabama. And the African Alliance of Rhode Island, another recipient, will use its funding to establish the For Us, By Us initiative to support farmers of color in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts through training, mentorship, and financial advisement.

While some grantees, such as the Community Development Organization of Oregon and 2020 Farmers Cooperative are using these funds to directly purchase land they already operate on, many are building the infrastructure to build self-sufficiency beyond the confines of this particular USDA program.

In 2021, the American Rescue Plan, which was then updated by the Inflation Reduction Act, allocated over half a billion to the creation of this program. It also formed an independent equity commission to assess USDA programs more generally. The commission’s first report, released earlier this year, revealed that the USDA has much more work to do in ensuring land access and addressing “longstanding debt that is making it hard for farmers to keep farming.”

TemuAsyr Martin Bey, a land advocacy fellow with the NYFC, former executive director of the Compton Community Garden, and communications coordinator for the California Farmer Justice Collaborative, believes that land access, retention, and the transition of agricultural land are critical.

He’s hopeful that language from the LASO Act will make it into the final version of the farm bill because it would extend the valuable work of the existing program. The bill would also fund support for farmers in economically disadvantaged areas across the nation and encourage collaboration with tribal and state governments, nonprofits, and community organizations that can meet the needs of underserved farmers and communities—in both rural and urban contexts.

“We need something that can really facilitate the whole process,” said Martin Bey. “This is our number one priority because we have a program that really makes sense and really addresses the needs of farmers.”

The lead co-sponsors of the bill span both parties and wings of Congress, including Representatives Nikki Budzinski (D-Illinois), Zach Nunn (R-Iowa), Joe Courtney (D-Connecticut), Abigail Spanberger (D-Virginia), and Senator Tina Smith (D-Minnesota).

Small Farm Conservation Act

Proposed by Senator Michael Bennet (D-Colorado), the Small Farm Conservation Act would establish a program for small-scale producers seeking EQIP funding and technical assistance to improve soil management and other practices that protect water quality. The Act would hire and train NRCS staff to be more attuned to the challenges that small-scale farmers face, as well as expedite the application process to improve success rates.

Beginning and young farmers often must choose between using conservation practices and getting their farms off the ground, NYFC points out.

LaDonna Green is a Milwaukee-based community gardener and founder of an agricultural education organization called Growing Green Gardens LLC. She rents plots in several community gardens and Alice’s Garden Urban Farm in her city and offers training for aspiring land stewards. She says farmers like her would benefit greatly from an expedited process when applying for conservation funds.

“I felt overwhelmed,” says Green when talking about the paperwork she had to fill out to begin the application process for conservation funds during planting season. “This form that I printed was about 40 or 50 sheets of paper,” she recalls.

“The USDA is treating small urban farmers who may be growing on a 20-by-20-foot garden plot the same as someone who’s going on 150 acres,” Green added.

Office of Small Farms Establishment Act

Senator Cory Booker (D-New Jersey) introduced the Office of Small Farms Establishment Act to address the concerns of farmers like Green. The act would create an Office of Small Farms within the USDA to provide targeted support for small-scale farmers and producers in the next farm bill.

“The time is now. Now it’s up to us to actually push the policy to hold institutions accountable.”

Booker is proposing that this office be embedded within the Farm Production and Conservation Service Business Center because it coordinates staff from the most farmer-facing agencies across the USDA—the FSA, which administers and distributes funds for most of the USDA loan programs, the NRCS, which provides funding for technical assistance, and the Risk Management Agency, which provides crop insurance among other related services.

While other departments also directly support farmers, these agencies collectively also have the most county offices across the nation. “These agencies have to be more responsive to farmers,” Bahrenburg said.

Although it will likely be months before the next farm bill is complete, new farmer advocates continue to call for more support for new farmers so Congress can meet the moment to build out a more resilient and equitable food system.

“The time is now,” Martin Bey said, pointing out that the result of the farm bill, like most omnibus legislation, is not going to be perfect. However, he added, there are many legislative opportunities that would support beginning farmers of all backgrounds from across the nation. “Now, it’s up to us to actually push the policy to hold institutions accountable,” he said.

This article was updated to correct the name of the senator from Minnesota.

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]]> https://civileats.com/2023/12/14/op-ed-beginning-farmers-are-at-a-crossroads-heres-how-the-next-farm-bill-can-help/feed/ 1 California Will Help BIPOC Collective Cultivate Land Access for Underserved Farmers https://civileats.com/2023/10/24/california-will-help-bipoc-collective-cultivate-land-access-for-underserved-farmers/ Tue, 24 Oct 2023 08:00:56 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=53912 After six years of enriching the soil and cultivating neighborly relationships, however, We Grow Farms is up against an insurmountable challenge facing many farms and pastures across the state: the real estate market. In the next year, the lot’s landowner, a developer, plans to turn the urban farm into affordable housing to feed an acute […]

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Surrounded by low-income apartments, senior housing, and the cheerful hum of an elementary school playground, We Grow Farms is an unlikely yet central landmark in West Sacramento. Just a few miles from California’s state capital, owner Nelson Hawkins has turned an abandoned half-acre lot into a hub of food production for the community. Leased through the West Sacramento Urban Farm Program, the regenerative urban oasis attracts nearby residents, students, and plenty of honeybees.

After six years of enriching the soil and cultivating neighborly relationships, however, We Grow Farms is up against an insurmountable challenge facing many farms and pastures across the state: the real estate market. In the next year, the lot’s landowner, a developer, plans to turn the urban farm into affordable housing to feed an acute regional housing demand.

While Hawkins is sympathetic to the need, he says the farm’s uprooting will come at a great cost. He estimates that he has invested nearly $40,000 in soil improvements and irrigation infrastructure alone, and the loss will also impact the underserved communities We Grow supports.

As a Black farmer, Hawkins also provides a visible, powerful connection between food and its source, supplying the neighborhood with fresh produce such as collard greens, black-eyed peas, and tomatillos at its weekly, onsite farm stand. The rest is distributed to nearby urban and suburban areas in Yolo and Sacramento counties through food programs and community supported agriculture (CSA) subscription boxes—25 percent of it for free.

Nelson Hawkings

Nelson Hawkins works at We Grow Farms in West Sacramento. (Photo credit: Naoki Nitta)

Small-scale farms are highly sensitive to the profession’s many challenges, including extreme weather, rising water and labor costs, and razor-thin margins. And for the majority that rent or lease their fields, the lack of long-term land stability can make farming “a David and Goliath battle,” Hawkins says—especially for growers who are Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC). Together, BIPOC growers own less than 2 percent of all farmland in the country.

But Hawkins, along with Nathaniel Brown and Keith Hudson—two other Black growers in the Sacramento River Delta—have a plan to address the disparity. As founders of the nonprofit Ujamaa Farmer Collective, the trio aim to strengthen the roots for historically underserved farmers by staking a cooperative claim to land ownership.

“You need at least $1 million to purchase farmland in California, and that doesn’t even include the tools, infrastructure, resources, and the labor.”

After persistent advocacy efforts by agriculture groups, the California legislature allotted a $1.25 million grant in 2022 to Ujamaa for the purchase of a medium-sized plot of land in Yolo County. The deed secures the tenure for multiple farms to operate on individual plots ranging in size from half an acre to 5 acres, each with a voice in collective governance and access to shared resources.

By building a resilient, worker-controlled network on secure soil, Ujamaa—which is named after a Swahili word for extended family and the fourth principle of Kwanzaa, embodying cooperative economics and advancement—will “elevate everybody’s potential so [we] can all thrive,” says Hawkins.

Agriculture-based collectives, such as farmer cooperatives and produce and commodity associations, are well-established in this country. Yet “they’re often white-led and they’ve had privilege,” including greater access to land and resources, says Brandi Mack, national director of The Butterfly Movement, an educational organization working to connect BIPOC women to the land through permaculture.

Mack is also a member of the People’s Land Fund, a collaborative that includes members from seven other social justice and agriculture nonprofits and is providing Ujamaa with pilot support, including pre-development guidance and starting capital.

Ujamaa’s purpose “is a different consciousness,” Mack says. Collective land ownership and governance set the course for “redistributing the flow to BIPOC farmers,” empowering them to build a more resilient community by amplifying their voices and “getting a leg up in the food sovereignty game.”

The Widening Historical Gap

California’s recent initiative is part of a larger state commitment that started in 2017 with the Farmer Equity Act, which aims to increase resource equity among historically underserved farmers. Other endeavors have included a $40 million allocation to Allensworth, the state’s first Black community founded in 1908, to invest in an organic farm and other enhancement, preservation, and planning projects, as well as land restoration for tribal communities.

“We’re trying to get away from the more colonial, extractive, and destructive systems that have shaped farming over the last 100 years.”

The efforts come at a crucial point for Black farmers, whose numbers have been on a precarious national decline over the last century. At their peak in 1910, African Americans made up around 14 percent of all U.S. growers and owned more than 16 million acres of land. Today, they make up just 1.3 percent of all farmers and own fewer than 5 million acres. The Golden State’s numbers are even more dire; the 2017 U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) census counted just 429 African Americans out of approximately 124,000 producers.

Meanwhile, national efforts to reverse disparities continue to fall short. Facing fierce political backlash, the 2021 American Rescue Plan Act—a debt relief program intended as restitution for decades of documented discrimination against Black and Indigenous farmers by the USDA— was rewritten to remove race from eligibility requirements. And recent reports also uncovered disproportionately high USDA loan rejection rates for BIPOC growers under the Trump administration.

For historically underserved farmers, land security is fundamental to leveling the field, says Jamie Fanous, policy director at the Community Alliance with Family Farmers, a nonprofit that advocated for Ujamaa’s legislative allocation. Yet intense competition for land in the state has widened the gap in farm ownership, she adds. Currently, more than half of the state’s cropland is held by 5 percent of landowners, while one-third of all fields and pastures are rented or leased out by non-farming landowners.

“Land grabs are rampant” throughout California, says Fanous, noting the latest case in which an investment group snatched up 55,000 acres of ranch and farmland in Solano County, in the northeastern San Francisco Bay Area. “And it’s getting worse as we see hedge funds and corporations come in,” she says.

Investors usually amass agricultural parcels for planting large-scale, high-value commodity crops, or develop them for residential and urban uses. As bigger players take over the landscape, it’s typically at the expense of smaller ones, and a disproportionate number of those tend to be BIPOC and historically underserved farmers.

“You need at least $1 million to purchase farmland in California, and that doesn’t even include the tools, infrastructure, resources, and the labor,” Fanous says. “It’s just insane, but that’s the reality we’re in right now.”

An Intentional Community

Brown, Ujamaa’s co-founder, has witnessed a drastic change in the Sacramento area. The owner of Brown Sugar Farm cultivates a half-acre parcel behind his family home in Citrus Heights, a residential neighborhood 15 miles northeast of West Sacramento. In less than two decades, he has seen much of the agricultural land nearby disappear, including a pumpkin patch and a barnyard once located across the street.

The 29-year-old grower has carved a successful niche at local farmers markets selling unconventional crops such as Caribbean red, striped, and fish peppers, stinging nettles, and flowers, all grown using a home-brewed, brown sugar-based fertilizer. However, his farm, which includes two pygmy goats that help maintain weeds, is quickly outgrowing its space, Brown says. And despite the security of family property, there’s no room to expand.

Along with more fields and new water infrastructure, Brown’s wish list of upgrades includes cold storage, a washing and staging station, and tractor access—most of which require additional space, construction, and expensive permits. Without the ability to scale up, these investments simply won’t pan out, he says.

Nathanial Brown owns Brown Sugar Farms in Citrus Heights, where he grows unusual crops such as Caribbean red, striped, and fish peppers, stinging nettles, and flowers. He uses a home-brewed, brown sugar-based fertilizer instead of commercial fertilizer.

Nathanial Brown owns Brown Sugar Farms in Citrus Heights, where he grows unusual crops such as Caribbean red, striped, and fish peppers, stinging nettles, and flowers. He uses a home-brewed, brown sugar-based fertilizer instead of commercial fertilizer. (Photo credit: Jason Elias Photography)

For small-scale farmers, particularly those engaged in regenerative practices, the return on investment in soil health, irrigation, and crops can often take years to realize. Farming, though, “is a long-term process,” says Brown, as is stewarding the earth, so moving his operations to Ujamaa’s new land will allow him to “think a few seasons ahead.”

The stability of land ownership lets farmers plan more resilient and diverse operations, he adds. Orchards and other perennials, for example, make more sense when you own your own land because they can take a while to mature. And while permanent crops don’t typically yield immediate profits, they can help buffer producers from pests, disease, and market spikes. Building up healthy soil can also increase carbon sequestration and moisture retention, reducing the impacts of drought, extreme rainfall, and the increasing challenges from climate change.

As a collective, “we’re trying to get away from the more colonial, extractive, and destructive systems that have shaped farming over the last 100 years,” Brown says.

The stability of the collective also reinforces a culturally relevant model of land and community stewardship. “Intentional community started with Black folks in this country,” says Mack, of the People’s Land Fund. She notes that rural livelihoods, marginalization, and meager economic resources—the reality of Black roots in this country— have encouraged strong cooperative networks. “That’s the only way we survived.”

Still, “it’s difficult to unbuild how land was used to punish us for 400 years,” Mack says, referring to the deep scars left by a history of enslavement and sharecropping. She sees greater representation in the field as key to reclaiming that relationship for a new generation. “With the land stewards themselves being folks of color and running the program,” she adds, Ujamaa “is really going to help shift the paradigm.”

Ujamaa’s Hawkins also sees the collective cultivating much more than food. The organization’s mission is to fill the gap for historically underserved growers who lack access to land, generational wealth, or a family background in farming, he says. The individual farms that compose the collective will tap into shared resources such as water, infrastructure, and large equipment, while nurturing and sharing skills and institutional knowledge about regenerative practices and long-term land stewardship. Ujamaa will also make onsite worker housing a key priority.

“There’s security in a collective,” says Hawkins, noting that he sees Ujamaa as both a scalable and replicable model of collective ownership and governance. “The more we can work together, nudge each other, and educate each other—we’re stronger together.”

Minnow, a member of the People’s Land Fund and a nonprofit organization advancing social equity in farming, is currently helping Ujamaa develop its collective governance structure.

Hawkins, Brown, and Hudson also hope to create a safe space for the BIPOC community, which, Hawkins notes, is often a rarity in rural areas. He hopes the Yolo County location will keep Ujamaa farmers connected to urban markets, community resources, and organizations.

“We want to maintain those relationships,” he says, “and expand our impact to folks that need better access to fresh food.”

“Growing food brings people together in such a powerful way,” says Hawkins, who hopes that the land acquisition will materialize by the end of the year. But with a huge systemic imbalance for those who produce it, “now’s the time for us to make that shift happen in a racially equitable way,” he adds. “Otherwise, it’s just going to be the same thing.”

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]]> Why BIPOC Farmers Need More Protection From Climate Change https://civileats.com/2023/05/30/faces-of-the-farm-bill-why-bipoc-farmers-need-more-protection-from-climate-change/ Tue, 30 May 2023 08:00:00 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=51924 Farmer Veronica Mazariegos-Anastassiou of Brisa Farms in Pescadero, California, has felt the impacts of wildfires, droughts, and floods over the last few years. But the small-scale organic farm has received no federal support to help it recover.

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This is the latest installment of our new series, Faces of the Farm Bill, where we humanize the real-world impacts of ag policy.

Veronica Mazariegos-Anastassiou co-owns, operates, and farms Brisa Ranch in Pescadero, California with her husband, Cole Mazariegos-Anastassiou, and friend Cristóbal Cruz. Veronica got her start working with rice farmers in Togo as a Peace Corps volunteer and has been farming full-time in California for seven years. Established in 2018, Brisa is a small-scale organic fruit, vegetable, and flower farm that sells directly to consumers, local restaurants, and grocers. Over the past few years, Brisa has been impacted by wildfires, drought, and floods and Mazariegos-Anastassiou and her partners have received no federal support to recover from these climate events.

Climate change is emerging as a central theme of the 2023 Farm Bill negotiations. Some farming groups are asking Congress to prioritize young farmers and Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) farmers in those climate provisions, given the historic discrimination they’ve faced, coupled with the fact that BIPOC communities bear disproportionate impacts of climate change.

According to the National Young Farmers Coalition, which surveyed over 10,000 people under 40 years old, lack of access to land and capital are the core issues young farmers face across the U.S., and the challenge they would most like to see addressed in the next farm bill.

We spoke to Mazariegos-Anastassiou recently about the challenges she faces and how the 2023 Farm Bill could better support farmers like her in recovering from the effects of climate change.

Is climate change impacting your farm?

Vero Mazariegos-Anastassiou standing holding dahlias on her small farm in central California. (Photo courtesy of Vero Mazariegos-Anastassiou)

(Photo courtesy of Veronica Mazariegos-Anastassiou)

The short answer is yes, in the sense that there have been fluctuations in what we should expect. There was the drought, and then there was a deluge of water. In 2020, we were directly affected by the CZU Lightning Complex fires. We understand there are many causes of wildfires, like the warming weather and the drought. But it’s also a land management problem; [people] haven’t been maintaining certain land, and therefore you have these very devastating effects of fire. We felt that directly impacting our operation. I think when you go into farming, you know that things are sometimes out of your control, but you do expect patterns. Now, those patterns are changing at a faster pace than past generations experienced.

During the CZU Lightning Complex fires, did you have support—financial or otherwise—from the federal government to get through?

Absolutely not. But we were supported by our community—family, friends, our customers . . . that’s where we felt supported.

One of the biggest conversations around this latest set of floods is how inaccessible federal support is. The Farm Service Agency, which is the main point of contact for a farmer at the local level, is so bureaucratic. Its products and supports are not geared toward the kind of agriculture that we and other BIPOC farmers are doing. We’re farming in a very different way than what these programs are designed for, so you automatically feel like you don’t even qualify.

“One of the biggest conversations around this latest set of floods is how inaccessible federal support is.”

There’s also a staffing shortage problem; there are just not enough people to address all the issues. And when you’re talking about smaller, diversified producers, we are all the way at the bottom of the list of whoever gets assistance.

It does seem like there are some improvements. The Inflation Reduction Act started to acknowledge the role that farmers like us play in climate change mitigation and the need to support us in adapting to these inevitable climate change impacts. But we have a long way to go.

Why do you feel like you don’t qualify for federal assistance programs?

When you look at some of the assistance programs, like the Coronavirus Food Assistance Program (CFAP) or the Noninsured Crop Disaster Assistance Program (NAP), you apply based on the acreage you’re growing of a particular crop. The payout is a very small fraction. In that calculation, if you’re growing very small quantities, there is no point. Filling out the application is actually more work than what I will get out of it. Because the programs are not designed for diverse systems, it feels like they don’t really apply to you. That has been my experience.

With the Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS), there is a lot of funding for management of a property, but they tend to favor you heavily when you’re the landowner. It’s much harder to access the support when you’re a tenant. And when you’re thinking about BIPOC-owned farms, the reality is that you have a lot less land ownership in that group. We’re subleasing one of our properties, so we’re not able to access the support that’s available, because it really is for folks that have complete agency over their property.

What climate provisions would you like to see in the farm bill?

There are three things I think about. How do we help farmers of all sorts deal with the effects of climate change? And that comes in [the form of] insurance, lower interest loans, and even grants to deal with something that’s unforeseen.

The second thing is the role that farmers and ranchers play in mitigating the effects of climate change. When we’re talking about cover cropping, composting, managing riparian areas, maximizing biodiversity . . . can we have more support to do that work? Because right now we’re doing it because we know it’s important, but it’s not a revenue stream. Federal programs need to provide concrete support for those farmers who are implementing those practices.

The third and probably most important is that you need to have programs that help farmers stay in business and do their work. If we can’t stay in business, forget climate change; we’re not going to be able to do this work, period. And being able to stay on a piece of property long term is very important. What programs can make that easier? Supporting first-time land buyers with down payments or incentivizing landowners that are leasing land to farmers to have really good terms and co-invest in a property. Right now, for example, we are in a year-to-year lease situation, and that’s very difficult when you’re planning a business with long-term ramifications. So that’s another way the farm bill can support beginning farmers and BIPOC farmers.

Why is it important to prioritize BIPOC farmers in the farm bill?

BIPOC communities in our country are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change, food insecurity, and a lot of the issues that are tied to agriculture. Yet, we’ve also been essential and crucial in agriculture because we have often been the farmworkers, the ones actually doing the work, but we have not had the agency to lead those projects.

“BIPOC communities in our country are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change, food insecurity, and a lot of the issues tied to agriculture… We are a key group to listen to and support, since we have historically not been afforded that opportunity to lead.”

I am a first-generation American. I’m also a first-generation farmer. A lot of the motivation I had to farm is because I saw how challenging it is to provide healthy food for a family of limited means. And this is not just about food; it’s about our environment. My communities are being more affected by environmental degradation. We’ve largely been left out of the picture when we’re talking about agriculture in the United States.

We have heard ad nauseum about the average farmer’s age, race, and background. Now I think there is an interest in [seeing] these other communities play a role and influence the direction the agriculture industry takes. We’re moving away from a monoculture. There is a wave of young farmers and ranchers that are seeing this as the way forward for agriculture. I think that’s an important perspective to support. We know that certain communities have been historically discriminated against by institutions like the [USDA’s] Farm Service Agency, so I think we are a key group to listen to and support, since we have historically not been afforded that opportunity to lead.

This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

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]]> The Rush for Solar Farms Could Make It Harder for Young Farmers to Access Land https://civileats.com/2023/04/12/the-rush-for-solar-farms-could-make-it-harder-for-young-farmers-to-access-land/ https://civileats.com/2023/04/12/the-rush-for-solar-farms-could-make-it-harder-for-young-farmers-to-access-land/#comments Wed, 12 Apr 2023 08:00:03 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=51480 A few years ago, that wide, flat land caught the attention of a San Diego-based solar developer, EDF Renewables. A handful of Ward’s neighbors agreed to lease their land so EDF could build a $256 million utility-scale solar project on 1,800 acres. The Byron Solar project, as it’s known, will be Minnesota’s second-largest solar farm […]

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The front windows of Mindy Ward’s southeastern Minnesota home look out on farmland that is “flat, flat,” she says, “completely flat.” On the day we speak, the ground is frosted in snow, blinding white under the bright afternoon sun. She says the orderly, square parcels that stretch over most of Dodge County are “ideal for growing corn and soybeans” and are “beautiful” in their bounty and vastness.

A few years ago, that wide, flat land caught the attention of a San Diego-based solar developer, EDF Renewables. A handful of Ward’s neighbors agreed to lease their land so EDF could build a $256 million utility-scale solar project on 1,800 acres.

The Byron Solar project, as it’s known, will be Minnesota’s second-largest solar farm and will produce 200 megawatts of electricity, enough to annually power more than 30,000 homes, ultimately helping Minnesota achieve its goal of 100 percent carbon-free energy by 2040.

“Are we really understanding what we trade off when we put solar panels on farmland? We should be asking those questions.”

As the world braces itself for the 1.5-degrees Celsius warming mark and climate messages from the science community grow increasingly dire, many states have similar plans to shed reliance on fossil fuels, and President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act funnels billions toward achieving net-zero emissions in the next 30 years. To reach that target, a 2021 U.S. Department of Energy study indicated that as many as 10 million acres of land will have to provide solar generation. American Farmland Trust (AFT) estimates 83 percent of new solar built in the next few decades would likely be sited on agricultural acreage.

While Ward supports a clean energy transition, she is upset that steel and aluminum solar panels will replace bucolic fields in her community. “We need to put this on marginal land,” she says, “land that is not ideal for food production or purposes related to agriculture.”

She is even more frustrated that such a large project was planned and executed privately, with little input from the farmers and other rural residents who are proud of the region’s agricultural heritage. We’re completely breaking the cycle of rural America by doing this,” she says, adding that the long-term contracts—often binding for as many as 30 years—with solar developers disrupts “the cycle of transferring land to the next generation.” (EDF did not respond to multiple requests for an interview, nor did other prominent utility-scale solar developers.)

No one will feel that disruption more than young farmers. “Land access is the No. 1 challenge they are facing, and this challenge is even greater for farmers of color,” says Holly Rippon-Butler, land campaign director for the National Young Farmers Coalition. There’s only so much land available, and solar developers can offer far more money than farmers can. “Are we really understanding what we trade off when we put solar panels on farmland? We should be asking those questions,” says Rippon-Butler.

She, along with organizations including The Nature Conservancy (TNC) and AFT, want solar developers to better engage with communities so that locals can help identify top-notch acreage that should be set aside for future farmers, or, perhaps, site both solar and agriculture. This isn’t an easy proposition, though, as land owners will likely have the ultimate say.

Half of all U.S. farmland is expected to change hands in the next 15 years, according to AFT. Farmers are increasingly aging out of the work, and leasing to a solar company can be financially rewarding and provide peace of mind, knowing the land will continue to produce a valuable resource.

At a recent conference hosted by the National Farmers Union, one Montana farmer boasted of the “nice retirement plan” he has in place after signing a contract with a solar developer, while a Michigan farmer grew emotional when he shared that he was considering leasing his land for solar rather than transferring it to his son to farm. He said the decision was “tearing my guts out.”

The Michigan farmer’s son, however, had described the decision as a “no-brainer” and encouraged him to lease the land. The agreement would secure about $1,200 per acre per year with escalating payments over 35 years. For comparison, a young farmer who rents the land might be able to offer $300 per acre.

One farmer shouted from the crowd: “Do it!”

Crops grow next to solar panels in an agrivoltaic system. (Photo credit: Jason Whalen, Fauna Creative)

Crops grow next to solar panels in an agrivoltaic system. (Photo credit: Jason Whalen, Fauna Creative)

Farmers Outbid

At that same meeting, a few farmers suggested to the Michigan farmer that he could always go find other land if he didn’t want to give up farming. Sounds easy. It’s typically not, especially if you’re a newcomer.

There are many competing interests for land, far beyond solar: Foreign investors and private equity firms can easily outbid farmers. And while many farmers inherit land, Rippon-Butler says 78 percent of today’s young farmers didn’t grow up in farming. “[They] struggle to break into this grower network,” she says. “That can have particular consequences in terms of racial equity, in that 98 percent of agricultural land is owned by white landowners.”

The Young Farmers Coalition is advocating for a $2.5 billion, 10-year investment in the 2023 Farm Bill that would go toward securing 1 million acres of land for young farmers, with an emphasis on “making sure underserved producers are the priority,” says Rippon-Butler.

While that could help with land access, the renewable energy transition may take millions of acres out of production. Several people interviewed for this story described how solar developers will often approach landowners by visiting their farms or sending letters offering lucrative deals that are shielded by nondisclosure agreements. (In advertisements in agricultural trade magazines, one solar company entices landowners with $800 to $1,500 per acre per year with incremental increases.)

“We know that solar developers tend to favor prime farmland that is near existing interconnection and infrastructure . . . because it is flat, sunny, and clear,” says Samantha Levy, AFT’s conservation and climate policy manager. “If they have to do anything related to grading, making sure that everything is level, or clearing, then it just increases their costs.”

Levy says the current build-out of solar energy tends to be “market driven,” i.e., what can be accomplished without a lot of upfront investment, rather than driven by where communities might like to place the projects.

Cutting Into ‘Prime Farmland’

The terms “prime farmland” and “marginal farmland” are often repeated in discussions about where to place new solar panels. One has a relatively clear definition. The other, not so much.

Prime farmland, as defined by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), is land that has the best “physical and chemical characteristics” for growing crops. Marginal farmland is less defined, however—it may be hilly, it may have poor soil—and classifying it as such can be a fairly subjective decision.

Ward, in Dodge County, is among a chorus of farmers and conservationists arguing that solar projects should go on “marginal land” or, better yet, in polluted lands known as brownfields and other nonproductive spaces.

“The lack of planning of these projects is going to alienate people who consider themselves blue in red America. These decisions are being made by people who have no knowledge of agriculture or agricultural business.”

So much land in the Midwest and Northeast, and in Ward’s area of Minnesota, is considered prime, however, that developers have found workarounds when confronted with the argument that solar expansion stands to decrease the availability of prime land. For instance, the Byron Solar project was able to get an exemption from regulators by arguing that 1,800 acres was a very small percentage of the prime farmland in Dodge County.

It’s also worth noting that the 10 million acres that could soon host renewable energy projects totals only about 3 percent of total U.S. agricultural acreage. Anna Dirkswager, the Midwest regional director of climate and energy at TNC, says that may sound inconsequential, but if a lot of those acres “are in your backyard, then that’s going to matter, right?”

Agricultural communities, are, after all, little ecosystems, and they include a range of other businesses, including seed suppliers, machine shops, and trucking companies. If a sizable chunk of business disappears, the whole system wobbles. Also, with less land availability, land prices may go up, putting it even further out of reach for up-and-coming farmers.

Ward, who hopes her nephew and children might follow the family farming tradition, worries that if projects continue to lack meaningful engagement with communities it could sour an increasingly rare slice of America.

The lack of planning of these projects is going to alienate people who consider themselves blue in red America,” she says. “These decisions are being made by people who have no knowledge of agriculture or agricultural business. And there is a perception that everyone who lives in rural America doesn’t think there’s a benefit to renewable energy. I don’t think that’s the case at all. There are others who believe, as I do, that there are benefits.”

An overhead view of solar panels installed in a farm field. (Photo credit: Fauna Creative)

An overhead view of solar panels installed in a farm field. (Photo credit: Fauna Creative)

Community Pushback

Potential political shifts aside, Dirkswager of TNC says developers who seek out project sites solely based on how close land is to transmission lines, rather than factoring in whole communities, are more likely to face community pushback. “That’s a big deal,” she says, especially with ambitious renewable energy goals looming in the near future.

Last year, TNC released a report called “Power of Place—West,” which identified how Western states could achieve a rapid buildup of clean energy while taking into account the priorities of agriculture, as well as Indigenous and other rural communities. Dirkswager says TNC, in partnership with AFT, is doing a similar analysis for the rest of the country, with the hopes of figuring out if nationwide net-zero emissions can be achieved while protecting the most productive farmland.

Levy, with ATF, says when agriculture and solar developers work together, fewer “speed bumps” arise, and there are more potential benefits to the wider community. These proactive meetings could, perhaps, look at community ownership of the project, something many farmers expressed interest in during the National Farmers Union panel.

Some local governments, though, are trying to get out ahead of solar projects before they even arrive. For instance, after a growing number of local bans on renewable energy projects were passed in Illinois, last month Governor J.B. Pritzker signed legislation preventing counties from enacting those preemptive local ordinances and nullifying the ones already in place. In Iowa, “setback” laws that require wind and solar projects to be built far back from roads have also popped up. And in upstate New York, a small city mulled banning all solar projects on prime farmland.

Dirkswager says in some communities, the tension around solar development creates a space for misinformation that can malign the projects. “The type of information that’s spreading—like, ‘If you live near a wind turbine, you’re likely to have cancer’—is not factual,” she says, “and it stirs fear.”

Furthermore, Dirkswager adds, outright bans on renewables can prohibit older farmers from accessing money that they need to retire. “And for young farmers, if we put these ordinances [in place] without thinking about how to do these agreements in the first place, we’re not giving people a chance to have autonomy over their lands,” she says.

Of course, if they’re given the choice, some of those farmers may take advantage of models that combine solar and agriculture on the same land.

Rise of Agrivoltaics

On a recent afternoon, Julie Bishop commuted around south New Jersey refreshing the water source for sheep at one solar farm and checking on another site to gauge whether vegetation was tall enough for the sheep to graze there. (Not quite yet.) Bishop created Solar Sheep in 2014 to offer vegetation management around the growing number of small, community-based solar arrays, and she also sells the animals as pets and for their meat.

This is one example of “agrivoltaics,” a strategic combination of photovoltaic solar arrays and agriculture that tends to involve either traditional crops grown alongside panels, or livestock grazing around them.

Bishop says sheep and solar are “well suited” to sharing the same land. While cattle can be clumsy and goats will chew through wiring and jump on panels, sheep just mosey and eat, and there’s no need to even raise the height of the panels as is sometimes required for cattle.

Bishop, who is on the advisory board of the American Solar Grazers Association (ASGA), says interest in matching sheep with solar arrays has grown tremendously in recent years. ASGA’s membership soared from under 10 to 500 in five years, with about 25 percent of the members representing solar development. Still, the sheep industry is small and contributes to less than 1 percent of U.S. livestock industry sales, so it’s not realistic to think millions of acres can generate clean energy while hosting flocks of sheep. At least not yet.

Rippon-Butler, with the National Young Farmers Coalition, says while agrivoltaics may be of interest for the next generation of farmers, land access remains the persistent hurdle.

“Many young farmers don’t own land and they certainly don’t own land that’s large enough to be attractive to solar projects,” she says.

Her organization supports a clean energy future, but the group’s core priority is ensuring that young farmers gain access to land. “You can’t eat a solar panel,” Rippon-Butler says with a laugh.

And if part of the climate solution includes regenerative farming practices and more local, low-carbon food systems, the young farmers of today will have to help build that framework. Solar leases that lock in land for 30 years, she worries, which may only make that harder.

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]]> https://civileats.com/2023/04/12/the-rush-for-solar-farms-could-make-it-harder-for-young-farmers-to-access-land/feed/ 8 Forging Pathways to Land Access for BIPOC Farmers in Georgia https://civileats.com/2023/03/02/forging-pathways-to-land-access-for-bipoc-farmers-in-georgia/ Thu, 02 Mar 2023 09:00:35 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=50938 “I was a part of the Young Urban Farmers Program, where they took high school kids and showed them farming techniques,” Yearby explains. In 2019, he was matched with farmland through an online platform called Georgia FarmLink and was able to start his operation, Cozy Bear Market Gardens, soon thereafter. Yearby was the first Georgia […]

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“The biggest trouble is finding land, and I didn’t know where to go to farm even though I was qualified,” says Deijhon Yearby. The 26-year-old started his journey with farming in high school and now grows okra, tomatoes, kale, and other Southern favorites on a quarter-acre in Nicholson, Georgia.

“I was a part of the Young Urban Farmers Program, where they took high school kids and showed them farming techniques,” Yearby explains. In 2019, he was matched with farmland through an online platform called Georgia FarmLink and was able to start his operation, Cozy Bear Market Gardens, soon thereafter.

Yearby was the first Georgia farmer matched through the Georgia FarmLink web tool, which was launched in 2019 by the Athens Land Trust (ALT) to help beginning and disadvantaged farmers access farmland. The website connects farm seekers and landowners/donors, allowing them to meet each other independently, while still having access to ALT’s resources and technical assistance.

“FarmLink enables farm owners who want to help reduce the barriers for new farmers to be able to be creative in how they do so.”

Online land access platforms exist in a range of states including Washington, Oregon, and New Jersey and can be incredibly helpful for new farmers. In the United States, increasing urban sprawl and rapid commercial development continue to consume farmland: From 2020 to 2021, the country lost 1.3 million acres, a shift that drove up the price of the remaining farmland.

As of 2022, the average rent for irrigated cropland in Georgia was $221 per acre, and $74 per acre for non-irrigated cropland. The average cost to purchase an acre of farmland in Georgia is around $3,900. For new farmers, finding enough capital to rent, much less buy, farmland is a massive hurdle, and they may not have the tools to absorb the risk or the overhead costs to scale.

“FarmLink enables farm owners who want to help reduce the barriers for new farmers to be able to be creative in how they do so,” says Johanna Willingham, who manages Georgia FarmLink on behalf of ALT. Since the beginning of the pandemic and the subsequent global food crisis, Willingham notes that it has become more common for farm donors to offer unconventional lease models designed to meet new farmers halfway. “Some farm donors are not charging for rent and utilities and just asking for 5 percent gross,” she says. “Some say, ‘Just pay the utilities.’”

Although the effort stalled at the start of the pandemic, the platform soon picked up speed and saw an overall rise in the number of farmers searching for land: Since 2021, the Georgia FarmLink program has had more than 3,100 participants. These new participants include growers who are trying to make connections with landowners directly, and others who get ALT’s help in facilitating a match. However, even with an increase in new donors, there are still more farmland seekers than there are donors.

“We have about a thousand farmers that are seeking land and about 20 posts by land donors,” Willingham says. “A lot of landowners don’t think about the transition plan until the end of their lives or farm careers.”

To help address this imbalance, ALT started an incubator program that prioritizes people from historically underrepresented groups in Athens as a way to support budding farmers who are preparing to get connected to land. ALT is also working to make more connections with land donors and running programs on estate planning.

Deijhon Yearby, Jean Young, and Johanna Willingham at the Williams Farm, a small-scale urban farm that anchors the Williams Farm Incubator Program. (Photo credit: Oisakhose Aghomo)

Jean Young, Deijhon Yearby, and Johanna Willingham at the Williams Farm, a small-scale urban farm that anchors the Williams Farm Incubator Program. (Photo credit: Oisakhose Aghomo)

Better Call FALT

While access to land is key, there are also additional tools that can help beginning farmers navigate the complex, confusing legal process needed to acquire and manage land. This is particularly important for farmers from diverse backgrounds in an industry that is 95 percent white and 64 percent male. The agricultural industry also has a history of discriminatory practices in providing access to resources and assistance, often enabled by the inequities exacerbated by property law.

Launched in 2018 by the Center for Agriculture and Food Systems at Vermont Law School, the Farmland Access Legal Toolkit (FALT) is one such tool.

“The toolkit is a bridge, it’s designed to give ordinary people the information they need to handle their property issues before they go to a lawyer,” says Francine Miller, a senior staff attorney at Vermont Law who curates FALT.

Since the start of 2021, 45,000 people have accessed the toolkit. Many are located in the South, particularly in Georgia, Texas, Florida, and Virginia, and nearly half are 25 to 44 years old. Ensuring that users can navigate these tools with little to no hassle is paramount. The Center for Agriculture and Food Systems is constantly working to pinpoint access challenges and gather a better understanding of its users’ needs.

“We’ve created Spanish-language resources, we’ve made sure that our toolkit is accessible by mobile phone, and we are also working on distributing PDFs of the toolkit,” Miller says. “If someone calls and says, ‘Hey, we need this toolkit for our farmers in remote areas in Wisconsin,’ we’ll ship the PDFs.”

The FALT tool has a particular focus on heirs’ property, a legal category that affects BIPOC and white communities in the Appalachian region and the greater South. Heirs’ property generally refers to land purchased or deeded after the end of the Civil War that has been passed down through multiple generations without formal estate planning or wills, which creates a number of difficulties for farmland owners.

Because the land can be owned by a large number of heirs, and since historic racial barriers to accessing legal aid prevented previous generations of landowners from creating wills, efforts to hold on to family farmland can be put at risk if one heir chooses to sell their part of a property.

“Black people have lost millions of acres due to heirs’ properties,” Miller says. “It’s such a huge civil rights issue.

The toolkit explains the legal definitions of different titles and sales that can occur in heirs’ property cases, a step-by-step guide to what to do before contacting a lawyer, recommendations about what type of lawyer to contact, and state-specific resources.

“Heirs’ property affects a lot of growers and landowners because they just don’t know that it exists,” explains Willingham.

The Athens Land Trust is launching a program to actively help heirs’ property owners resolve their legal challenges, but in the meantime, Willingham says, they rely on platforms like FALT to fill in gaps and save on lawyer’s fees. Willingham has been using FALT herself for almost a decade in her work and has integrated the toolkit into Georgia FarmLink’s education program.

The Williams Farm in Athens, Georgia, site of ALT’s Williams Farm Incubator Program. (Photo credit: Oisakhose Aghomo)

The Williams Farm in Athens, Georgia, site of ALT’s Williams Farm Incubator Program. (Photo credit: Oisakhose Aghomo)

Accessing Markets

Once a farmer finally gains access to land, they must be able to sell what they produce. The ability to sustain a farm business depends entirely on the marketplace; understanding how to build a market is an important aspect of farmland access that receives less attention.

“Building a viable business model and marketing strategy is the most important thing you can do before you start making any plans,” says Yearby, “especially before you buy land.”

Yearby has been successfully selling his produce as a wholesale distributor, but he says getting to that point wasn’t easy.

“You’re competing with [food mega-distributor] U.S. Foods,” explains Yearby. “You have to be certified to even apply for some farmers’ markets.” He started by getting his farm certified organic, which increased his reach into more farmers’ markets and restaurants. And he’s working to expand his production to attain a spot on the coveted U.S. Foods payroll.

“For a while, markets didn’t exist unless you go through commercial wholesale markets,” Willingham says. “Now, there’s this massive movement, people are creating food hubs and distribution markets [for local food]. It’s in its renaissance phase.”

Jean Young, the first incubator farmer at ALT’s Williams Farm Incubator Program, grows Southern favorites such as tomatoes, collards, and okra. Young started her microfarm Freedom City Gardens in 2021. “It was my way of doing my part during the pandemic,” explains Young. “I wanted to bring fresher foods to my community.”

Jean Young pictured at her plots at Williams Farm, which anchors ALT’s Williams Farm Incubator Program. (Photo credit: Oisakhose Aghomo)

Jean Young pictured at her plots at Williams Farm, which anchors ALT’s Williams Farm Incubator Program. (Photo credit: Oisakhose Aghomo)

Soon after starting the farm, she began braving the marketplaces, selling at farmers’ markets and as a certified vendor for the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children. Young’s microfarm allows more flexibility to sell retail. So, she has also ventured into digital marketplaces, which have presented some unique challenges.

“In the digital markets, there are questions about who and what gets promoted, and the corporations [that run the apps and websites] are making decisions that affect your business, and you aren’t there,” Young says.

Logistics challenges can also present a barrier. “The biggest challenge when people are selling online is that there’s a gap in distribution,” explains Willingham. “People want to use the online market, but the logistics are different because there’s the added element of transportation—it can add additional stress on your budget.”

Willingham notes that difficulties in gaining access to markets are common from new growers. She believes their frustration often stems from a lack of centralized resources—something that has been lacking in Georgia’s farming industry for a while.

“We’re working on incorporating comprehensive business classes into the GA FarmLink program and creating a roadmap that allows for these farmers to navigate with more independence and ease,” says Willingham. This roadmap will allow for a smoother process from acquiring a farm to growing a farm, providing resources and opening up networks for small-scale BIPOC farmers.

Yearby is a shining example. Three years into owning his own farm, he has a much better understanding of what it takes to run a business and how that differs from farming as a hobby. This insight allows for him to see farming as a career he can sustain. In a country where the population of BIPOC farmers is rapidly declining, the value of resources that support them in their quest for sustainable careers cannot be understated.

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]]> An Ancient Grain Made New Again: How Sorghum Could Help U.S. Farms Adapt to Climate Change https://civileats.com/2023/02/07/an-ancient-grain-made-new-again-how-sorghum-could-help-u-s-farms-adapt-to-climate-change/ Tue, 07 Feb 2023 09:00:12 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=50715 But there was one crop that suffered less. “It doesn’t take a whole lot of rain to make a good yield for the sorghum crop,” said Rendel, who plants about 1,000 acres of grain sorghum each year on his 5,000-acre farm. While he did lose some of his grain sorghum, or milo, to the drought, […]

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Last year’s drought took a severe toll on Zack Rendel’s farm. Like many of the neighboring farms in his northeast corner of Oklahoma, his corn crop practically shriveled up due to the lack of moisture. During a normal year, he typically harvests about 150 bushels per acre of corn. Last year, he averaged only 22 per acre. His soybean and wheat crops were also impacted.

But there was one crop that suffered less.

“It doesn’t take a whole lot of rain to make a good yield for the sorghum crop,” said Rendel, who plants about 1,000 acres of grain sorghum each year on his 5,000-acre farm. While he did lose some of his grain sorghum, or milo, to the drought, the loss was minimal compared to corn. “[Sorghum] helps offset our risk,” he said.

“Sorghum was relatively cheap to put in the ground, it had a very good yield to it, and it could withstand some hot, dry summers.”

Farmers in drought-prone areas are increasingly relying on crops that require less water to help them adapt to the effects of climate change. The Great Plains is currently facing exceptional drought, and agricultural hub states like Nebraska, Kansas, and Oklahoma are dealing with long-term consequences. Sorghum is looking especially appealing as a solution.

Rendel, a sixth-generation farmer, said sorghum has a long history on his land, dating all the way back to his great-great-grandfather’s time. He is a member of the Eastern Shawnee Tribe of Oklahoma and said his predecessors primarily planted sorghum for their own subsistence.

“Back then, everybody had a farm. You had to grow food for your family. Sorghum was relatively cheap to put in the ground, it had a very good yield to it, and it could withstand some hot, dry summers,” Rendel said.

As those hot, dry summers become the norm, Rendel can’t rely on Mother Nature to consistently irrigate his crops.

“[Rain] seems to come either all at once or at the absolute wrong time of the year. So that’s where sorghum begins to fit into our operation very well,” he said.

Sorghum has multiple properties that make it drought tolerant. The leaves and stems of some sorghum varieties are coated in a waxy substance, an adaptation to low-moisture landscapes. It also has uniquely deep roots that can stretch up to 2.5 meters underground.

“It has a deep and fibrous root structure that really digs down to get that water,” said Adam York, sustainability director for National Sorghum Producers (NSP), which recently secured a $65 million Climate-Smart Commodities grant from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) to increase production and develop the sorghum marketplace. According to York, sorghum’s robust root system also gives it a Kernza-like ability to store more carbon deep in the soil than the average plant.

However, sorghum in the U.S. is primarily turned into ethanol fuel and livestock feed—two of the most fossil-fuel intensive agricultural products.

“If we grow double the acres of sorghum in America to feed more livestock, there is no way that is a climate-friendly approach,” said Silvia Secchi, a sustainability professor at the University of Iowa. While she supports the expansion of sorghum production in the U.S., Secchi said there has to be a systematic approach to ensure it has a net positive climate impact.

“Are we producing sorghum in systems that reduce overall fossil-fuel use? And are we then using it to promote a food system that is lower in carbon emissions?” she asked.

Animal agriculture contributes a significant amount of global greenhouse gases. Meanwhile, corn ethanol—which dominates the biofuel industry—is more emissions-intensive than traditional gasoline, and, furthermore, promoting biofuels ultimately delays the electrification of the U.S. transportation system, Secchi argued.

Last year, NSP signed a letter to Congress expressing support for year-round E15—gasoline blended with 15 percent ethanol that has limited availability during the summer months because it worsens air quality. NSP also plans to use a significant portion of its USDA Climate-Smart Commodities grant to bolster the biofuels market.

Sorghum requires less fertilizer than corn (resulting in fewer emissions of the powerful greenhouse gas nitrous oxide), and there is some evidence that suggests the production of sorghum ethanol might result in fewer overall emissions, but further research is currently underway at Kansas State University.

“They knew that once the sorghum is milled, it’s a sweetener, a seed, a feed, and it’s got multiple resources that would help a household.”

York said sorghum’s role lies more on the adaptation versus the mitigation side of climate change.

“It’s an improvement journey, right?” he said. “Certainly, technology today has made agriculture more climate resilient than where we were yesterday, and I think sorghum has a key and positive story to play in that,” he said.

Sorghum’s African Roots

Sorghum is a truly ancient grain, with records of production dating way back to 8,000 B.C. The grain originates from northeastern Africa and remains a staple crop in many semi-arid African countries including Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Mozambique. It’s also grown and consumed in India and some East Asian countries.

Unlike the U.S., however, most African and Asian countries use sorghum as food. In fact, more than 500 million people in 30 countries consume sorghum, and the crop is the fifth most important cereal grain in the world. In Ethiopia, for example, it’s used in staple foods including injera, a fermented, spongy flatbread.

Martha Mamo, agronomy and horticulture department head at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, has done extensive research on sorghum production in Africa. Most sorghum producers there operate small-scale farms on just a few acres of land, she said, and sorghum is an ideal crop for them. It’s an especially valuable crop as the Horn of Africa is currently experiencing its worst drought on record, causing mass food shortages and exacerbating famine.

“When I think about the many farmers that I have interacted with in Ethiopia, they always think about risk aversion,” said Mamo, who believes the U.S. could learn a thing or two from African agricultural regions. “It could be a [farm] saving crop,” she added.

Diversify the Farm, Diversify the Farmers

Rendel calls sorghum the “red-headed stepchild” of commodity crops. “It’s like, yeah, it’s there. Nobody likes it, though, because it’s itchy at harvest time.” (The plants release small particles that can irritate farmers’ skin when they go through a combine.) Beyond that short-term challenge, however, Rendel said sorghum may be best for adventurous farmers who are willing to experiment.

And yet, experimenting with sorghum is fairly low risk. In addition to needing less fertilizer, it’s less likely to require large acreage and expensive machinery than corn and soy, making it popular among beginning farmers and farmers of color, who often have fewer resources to work with.

On average, Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) landowners operate significantly smaller operations than white landowners, and many BIPOC farmers rent or lease their land. Because a farm’s acreage largely determines what it grows, cash crops with a high upfront cost often make less sense for small-scale farmers.

“To grow mainstream cash crops like corn and soybeans, you have to have the know-how. You have to have a large enough size to really compete and thrive,” said Mamo. Smaller farmers often lack land and resources, she said, making sorghum an easier choice.

It’s no accident that sorghum is particularly popular among both Indigenous and Black farmers. “Our Indigenous brothers and sisters are the ones that have helped us survive from day one,” said JohnElla Holmes, executive director of the Kansas Black Farmers Association. “They knew that once the sorghum is milled, it’s a sweetener, a seed, a feed, and it’s got multiple resources that would help a household. I think that was one of the most important reasons it became an important crop for Black farmers.”

It’s also possible there are simply more BIPOC farmers in drought-prone regions due to racist land giveaways in the 19th century, such as the Homestead Act of 1862, which overwhelmingly favored white farmers and left some Black farmers with marginal land.

“Even though sorghum is an ancient grain, it’s gained more traction lately and has a huge opportunity to be a bigger part of the puzzle.”

The Trouble With Markets

Most Americans have never eaten a baked good made with sorghum flour or a steaming bowl of sorghum breakfast porridge. That’s because sorghum lacks a robust consumer market in the U.S. That lack of a market is why sorghum production is much lower than corn, soy, and wheat; there were around 6 million acres harvested in the U.S. in 2021, compared to 84 million acres of corn and 86 million acres of soybeans.

In fact, sorghum production in the U.S. has fallen over the past decade, raising questions about its domestic market viability. But some foresee that trend reversing as the climate continues to dry out in certain agricultural regions.

NSP is working on expanding the market, according to York. The USDA recently added sorghum to its Food Buying Guide, which schools across the country use to plan their meals. It’s being brewed into gluten-free beer ranging from Anheuser-Busch’s Redbridge to craft brews like Bard’s. There are a number of sorghum flour mills that see consumer potential in gluten-free and non-GMO markets. And York sees potential in younger generations that are making increasingly climate-conscious decisions.

“Whether that be greenhouse gases, water, or, importantly, biodiversity . . . they could be looking to sorghum as one of those products that has the metrics and the story to tell behind it,” said York.

Verity Ulibarri, a sorghum grower in New Mexico, agrees its future is bright. “Even though sorghum is an ancient grain, it’s gained more traction lately and has a huge opportunity to be a bigger part of the puzzle,” she said.

As drought conditions worsen on her small farm, Ulibarri thinks sorghum could eventually take center stage, rather than acting in a supporting role for other crops. “I see it not just as a substitute option, but a primary option in certain areas,” she added.

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]]> Young Farmers Are Growing Food for Climate Action and Racial Justice https://civileats.com/2022/11/28/young-farmers-are-growing-food-for-climate-action-and-racial-justice/ Mon, 28 Nov 2022 09:01:02 +0000 https://civileats.com/?p=49781 A version of this article originally appeared in the October issue of the Deep Dish, our monthly newsletter for members. Become a member today to receive the next issue. Edwards woke up most days terrified of what her future would look like as the climate crisis intensified. She also learned about the devastating rates of […]

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A version of this article originally appeared in the October issue of the Deep Dish, our monthly newsletter for members. Become a member today to receive the next issue.

As a teenager, Iriel Edwards couldn’t wait to get out of rural Louisiana. But while studying entomology at Cornell University in New York, her path began to change, curving unexpectedly back toward home.

Edwards woke up most days terrified of what her future would look like as the climate crisis intensified. She also learned about the devastating rates of Black land loss and food insecurity in the rural South. She worked in a greenhouse on a project that investigated rice varieties brought from West Africa by enslaved people. Then one day in the library, she discovered Leah Penniman’s book, Farming While Black. “I had never even visualized that possibility for me before then,” she said.

Now, she adds, “farming feels like a practical, tangible thing that somebody can do to make change here and now.” Edwards, 24, works for Jubilee Justice, where she manages a 5-acre farm in Alexandria, Louisiana, on land that was once a plantation. There, her team of Black farmers just wrapped up its third trial season of growing rice using a climate-friendly system called the System of Rice Intensification, or SRI. The organization’s mill will come online before the end of the year, enabling them to begin selling the grain. At the same time, she has started to grow vegetables on her own plot of land with a partner who grows mushrooms.

“Farming feels like a practical, tangible thing that somebody can do to make change here and now.”

According to the results of the National Young Farmers Coalition’s 2022 survey, many of Edwards’ peers share her motivations. Of the 4,300-plus farmers under age 40 who responded, 83 percent said that environmental conservation was one of their primary motivations for farming; meanwhile, 29 percent of all farmers, 54 percent of BIPOC farmers, and 74 percent of Black farmers surveyed ranked anti-racism work among their primary motivations.

The survey also shows that little has improved for young farmers in the last five years, as a significant percentage of respondents reported facing the same challenges to success they identified back in 2017. They’re still struggling to access capital and to manage high healthcare, housing, and production costs. Student debt is still an issue but doesn’t rank as highly as before, likely because most people have paused their payments during the pandemic.

And if President Biden’s plan for partial debt relief is implemented soon, many farmers are likely to benefit, said Carolina Mueller, the rancher and coalition manager who worked closely on the survey.

However, the challenge once again topping the list is finding and affording land—and over the past five years, it has likely gotten worse, Mueller said. Early in the pandemic, wealthy buyers flooded rural areas, driving land values up. At the same time, foreign investors, billionaires, and corporations have also been buying up farmland at high rates. “It’s overwhelming how much of a challenge accessing land is for young farmers,” she said.

“Young farmers are politically and socially driven . . . they want to solve the world’s issues and they have the energy to do it. [The government should] support people who are ready to do that work.”

Edwards says land is fortunately still affordable in Central Louisiana. Even so, she is now one of 100 land advocacy fellows spread out all over the country advocating for local and national policies that will guarantee equitable access to land for the next generation of farmers. And she has witnessed the impact of Black land loss in her work with Jubilee Justice: In working with Black farmers, she has been made aware that, “there are not very many of us.”

Like close to three-quarters of the farmers surveyed, Edwards has also witnessed the impacts of climate change as she plants and harvests. As older farmers age out and farming gets more difficult due to weather extremes, she said, supporting young farmers will become even more critical.

“Young farmers are politically and socially driven, they’re environmentally conscious, they want to engage with their community, they want to solve the world’s issues—and they have the energy to do it,” Edwards said. “Instead of allowing for barriers to persist . . . [the government should] support people who are ready to do that work.”

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